NRA HEROES:COL PATRICK LUMUMBA (RIP) R0/00048

He was the son of former Town Clerk of Masaka, Mr Nathan Ruyondo, who gave Mr Museveni the getaway car that took him to the jungles of Luweero

He was one of the key NRA commanders in the bush. He commanded the 3rd Battalion that besieged Masaka barracks and fought fierce battles during the capture of Kampala. He died in 1991.

NRAHEROES LT. GEN PROSCOVIA NALWEYISO

Born in June 1954 in Mpigi, Gen. Proscovia Nalweyiso is now 66 years. Her family was large, with 20 children.

“It was a family that liked the Kabaka, so whatever happened to Buganda, we were touched,” she says. So when Kabaka Frederick Muteesa was exiled in 1966, Nalweyiso, then aged 12, heard about it. “I was hurt even if I was a child,” she says. And when he passed on in 1969, it was more hurting

By 1979, she had started working as a junior teacher and a typist at a church near Gombe, Mpigi district. It was at that same time that the political animal was stirred up.

“I thought that the Democratic Party (DP) had a good mission. So I joined it and was named the sub-county publicity secretary as we moved towards the 1980 elections,” she said.

But when the elections were held, they turned out to be a fiasco. According to Nalweyiso, DP won the elections and celebrations had broken out.

“We were sure we had won and that is why we were celebrating, but we were stunned much later when the radio started announcing that UPC had won,” she recalls. The elections had been rigged. UPC had stayed and Obote was going to be President again! This upset the young woman.

“A period of persecution then ensued. UPC youth wingers and soldiers were harassing and killing DP members and whoever did not support them,” she said. This is what propelled her into armed rebellion. She joined the National Resistance Army (NRA) in 1982. “I realised that my only way out was to go and fight for my country. The killings that I had witnessed took away any fears that I may have

Life in the bush was particularly tough for the women. “We are supposed to go into our menstruation periods; however, at times we failed to get real pads to use in the bush. With time, even the periods stopped coming because of the conditions.”

In 1983, a new unit, the Women’s wing was carved out of the NRA. Nalweyiso was named as its first commandant. In 1984, most of the women were ordered by the NRA high command to move to western Uganda from their base in Luweero.

They moved together with the sick men and the weak. Although the overall commander of this expedition was the late Maj. Gen.l Fred Rwigyema and the late Brig. Chefe Ali, Nalweyiso played a big role, since she was in command of the women.

By 1985, they had successfully set up the western front and ready to engage in battles. “We were in a unit that attacked Mbarara Barracks, for example,” she said. It was, however, in this battle that he lost the highest number of combatants in a single battle, five women fighters died! They were moved back to Fort-Portal and that is where they stayed until the NRA captured power in 1986.

When the NRA captured power, Nalweyiso was given the rank of Captain and deployed as Commandant of the Women’s Wing in the Army. She was soon promoted to Major and Lt. Colonel by the turn of the year 2000.

In 1986 according to records, the women in the army numbered around 800. “When you become a women’s leader, you play more than the role of command. You are also a counsellor, a mother and an aunt, as well” she said of this role.

For the last 20 years, she has been based at State House as a Senior Advisor on Defense issues and according to sources, one of the most trusted by the President because of her resoluteness.

She was married to an army officer in 1974, while still a civilian, but separated with her husband.

NRA HEROES:THE DAY SALIM SALEH'S BRAVERY NEARLY COST HIM HIS LIFE DURING THE BUSH WAR

During the bush war, there were fighters who were nicknamed ‘Kalampenge’ because of the extraordinary bravery with which they confronted the enemy (Obote’s UNLA forces) and all bush-war veterans will tell you that Salim Saleh was such a fighter.

It is this level of bravery which Lt. Gen. Pecos Kutesa in his book "How i saw it" equates to being possessed, that almost cost Saleh his life on February 20, 1983.

On that day, the UNLA detach near Bukalabi in Nakaseke spotted the NRA rebels doing reconnaissance (okuketa) and in anticipation of an attack, the UNLA forces dug trenches and torched the surrounding bushes to create an open field around their trenches.

During that time, the NRA had received the first European journalist—a German who would give them the much needed international publicity. In order to demonstrate to the journalist that NRA was a powerful rebel force, Saleh was sent to raid that UNLA encampment.

Saleh, however, encountered a well prepared UNLA force who had taken good positions in the trenches. The wise thing would have been to call off the attack, but being the Kalampenge that he was, Salim Saleh went ahead with it.

Saleh tried to smoke the enemy forces out of their trenches—a virtually impossible mission in military operations and in the end the NRA lost nine fighters as Saleh escaped having been shot four bullets in both arms.

But even after being shot, Saleh continued to command his troops with blood oozing out of his hands but later after losing a lot of blood, he became weak and was carried back to the rebel base. He later found 18 more holes of bullets in his jacket and how he dodged the bullets, only God knows.

A senior officer, who lived at the NRA headquarters at the time, said that Saleh was hidden away from the journalist and the opportunity for the much needed publicity in Europe was lost.

An ICC mission to investigate the massacres of civilians in Iturivwill be soon set.

The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Fatou Bensouda announces the deployment of a mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to investigate the massacres of civilians in Ituri province.

In a statement issued Thursday, 04 June, Bensouda is deeply concerned about the numerous reports of the rise of serious violence in Ituri, especially in the territories of Djugu and Mahagi.

" credible information shows many armed attacks against the civil population. These attacks have escalated in several Ituri territories over the past few months. This same information also reports repeated attacks on internal internally displaced persons camps and targeted communities... These acts could be crimes within the International Criminal Court ", said Fatou Bensouda.

At the same time, the prosecutor of the ICC encourages the competent authorities of the DRC, in accordance with the principle of complementarity which is at the heart of the Rome Statute and which gives States parties the primary responsibility to continue and judge, to intensify their efforts for real investigations to be carried out.

Ms. Bensouda said that her Office would intensify contacts with the Congolese authorities to strengthen the work already begun to map incidents potentially falling within the competence of the ICC and to exchange with authorities on urgent measures to be taken, especially in the framework of the treatment of priority cases by Congolese justice.

It calls on all armed groups and all parties to stop all attacks, especially against the civil population, and refrain from using any criminal violence in violation of the Rome Statute of the ICC.

In this week alone,16 more civilians were killed in ituri!!God has heard our prayers,and next should be minembwe but minembwe has some complex issues and a cobweb network of those who instigate the killings there!

See this:https://acidicsecurity.blogspot.com/2020/06/catholic-bishop-of-bunia-bitter-on.html?m=1

See:https://acidicsecurity.blogspot.com/2020/06/adf-base-installation-in-ituridrc-army.html?m=1

NRAHEROES :GEN MATAYO KYALIGONZA R0/00034

In his book, The Agony of Power, Kyaligonza says he first joined military service during former President Idi Amin’s regime. He worked then in the State Research Bureau, Amin’s dreaded security agency, until 1974.

Kyaligonza abandoned his job after his boss, Col. Kakuhikire, was abducted and killed by the regime he served. Fearing for his own life, Kaligonza joined a rebel group called Save Uganda Movement (SUM), one of the groups that fought Amin. After Amin’s fall in 1979, Kyaligonza joined the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM), a small political party led by Yoweri Museveni that contested for leadership in the 1980 general elections.

Museveni had warned during the campaigns that if elections were rigged, he would go to the bush—a position that Kyaligonza, then a member of the UPM Hoima District executive committee, supported.

So on December 13, 1980, Kyaligonza met Museveni and proposed to him the role he wanted to play after the war started. Museveni briefed Kyaligonza on how he planned to start the war against Obote’s government. The official launch would be an attack on Kabamba Barracks. Kyaligonza, together with Capt. Nkwanga, had stolen and hidden about 30 guns which he offered to use during the attack Kabamba.

Unfortunately, by the time he went to recover the hidden guns, Nkwanga had handed them over to Dr. Andrew Lutakome Kayiira, a leader of another rebel group, UFA, which also fought Obote.

Because Kyaligonza had his own guns, and was working with Nkwanga, some veterans have told us that it appears he planned to form his own rebel group. But Kyaligonza writes that he was involved in recruiting fighters for the NRA together with Gen. Elly Tumwine, the late Sam Magara and Brig. Andrew Lutaaya. Some of the fighters he recruited turned out to be great fighters such as Col. Ahmed Kashilingi, Col. Samson Mande, Col. Patrick Lumumba, Lt. Col. Jet Mwebaze (RIP), Col. Geoffrey Taban, and Brig. John Mugume.

URBAN TERRORISM

After the famous attack on Kabamba Barracks on February 6 1981, which effectively announced the start of the bush-war, the unsuccessful guerrillas headed to Kiboga to hide.This was because their lives were in danger as UNLA troops were now pursuing them. While the rest, including rebel leader, Yoweri Museveni walked to Kiboga, Kyaligonza headed to a different direction—Mukon

o.

His real mission was to stage ambushes immediately as a diversionary tactic. His main task was to divert attention from Museveni’s group which numbered just about 50 men.

In Mukono, one of his recruits, Col. Kashilingi, became his deputy and together, they planned terror attacks in and around Kampala.

Kyaligonza writes in his book that they started with one and a half gun—an SMG and a pistol. Their first successful raid was on May 21, 1981 when they attacked Kisoga Police Post at night using stones. They stole seven guns and Police uniforms. These were added to the four rifles they had gotten earlier, after killing government soldiers on patrol on April 13 of the same year.

On June 3, they raided Ngogwe Police post in Buikwe, Mukono, and stole 11 guns. But not everything went according to plan. The government soldiers once raided and scattered the Kyaligonza group around Namugongo areas. Fighters who worked with him say that Kyaligonza ran to Kasangati.

From Kasangati, Kyaligonza joined the main NRA force in Matugga. And after regrouping the scattered fighters, Kashilingi also followed Kyaligonza to the bush.

It was around this time that Museveni returned from Libya after a sixth-month break from the bush. The regrouping Kyaligonza fighters came to Museveni’s rescue when UNLA soldiers detected his movements and started pursuing him.To divert the pursuers, Museveni asked Kyaligonza to attack an army detach at Mpoma Earth Satellite, which mission he carried out with two of his fearless commanders; Samson Mande and Patrick Lumumba.

When NRA grew in numbers to about 200, it was re-organised into six zonal units.It is during this second major re-organisation that Kyaligonza formerly started playing his role as commander. In January 1982, the NRA underwent another re-organisation, splitting into more units. Museveni did this after summoning all zonal commanders to the headquarters. Kyaligonza’s Mwanga zonal force was named Task Force or Black Bomber. The late Patrick Lumumba was appointed his deputy. Col. Samson Mande was a platoon commander in this group. By his own admission, Kyaligonza made Kampala unsafe by throwing bombs at Police and army encampments.

Kyaligonza’s Black Bombers that comprised about 50 rebels at the beginning slowed down the economy because people in Kampala were closing shops at 3.00p.m.Being the commander of this terror outfit, Kyaligonza says his inner conscience felt condemned to death because he and his men were operating “just a breath away from the enemy stronghold.”

Indeed at one time UNLA soldiers captured Kyaligonza when he was still operating in Mukono. He was taken to [Maj. Gen.] Bazilio Okello who was based at Colline Hotel. A UNLA sergeant called Tamale is the one who captured him and handed him over to Maj. Isoga. This major was apparently not happy with the way junior soldiers had roughed up Kyaligonza. May be he wanted him handled properly so that he could reveal NRA secrets. The major jumped off his chair and began boxing his junior and in the scuffle that ensued, Kyaligonza fled.

Kyaligonza was captured again in 1983 while sneaking back into the country from a visit to Liberia where he had gone with Andrew Lutaaya to ask for arms. He was arrested at the Busia border and briefly detained in Tororo Barracks before he was transferred to the dreaded Nile Mansion in Kampala. Oyite Ojok, the UNLA Chief of Staff, was supposed to interrogate this senior rebel.

He says he was held in Room 211. Although handcuffed, Kyaligonza in commando style says he tied bed sheets onto the window and used them to climb and jump to the ground. He walked to Muyenga where his wife helped him remove the handcuffs. Then he walked straight back to Luwero to resume fighting.

Because his main role was to carry out terrorism in urban areas, Kyaligonza says that at one time he wanted to attack foreign missions but was restrained by Museveni. His most memorable operation as commander of the 7th battalion took place in 1985 at Matugga as the bush war drew to a close. The target was an army detach in the area. The reason Kyaligonza remembers this incident and writes about it in his book is because, except for one soldier killed when a truck failed to stop, they managed to disarm the rest without having to harm anybody.

In the end, the Kyaligonza unit, according to his book, captured 161 guns, 17 pistols, 3,000 SMG bullets, 27 anti-tank shells, 16 RPG shells, 2 Bazooka shells, 1 RPG launcher, etc. Kyaligonza says this was his most daring operation during the 5-year bush war. When the march towards Kampala began, Kyaligonza’s battalion ambushed the UNLA soldiers at Katende on Kampala-Masaka Highway.

Kyaligonza’s battalion fought in the areas of Mpigi and Kibibi before it eventually approached Kampala from Hoima Road. His force attacked and captured Makindye Barracks, among other assignments.

After the fall of Kampala, Kyaligonza’s 7th, Chefe Ali’s 11th and Pecos Kutesa’s 1st battalions took the fighting to eastern Uganda, capturing Jinja along the way before proceeding to Tororo.

After another re-organisation occasioned by the growth in numbers,he was deployed in Teso areas to deal with cattle rustling.

Kyaligonza was elected CA delegate for Buhaguzi County in Hoima District. After CA, he stood for Parliament and got elected, representing the same constituency in the 6th Parliament. He however lost the seat when he tried to join the 7th Parliament.

President Museveni then appointed him Ambassador to Kenya before he was transferred to Burundi recently. He is also NRM Vice Chairman western region

Typing “racist” into Twitter’s people search yielded US President Donald Trump as the first suggested account on Wednesday

Typing “racist” into Twitter’s people search yielded US President Donald Trump as the first suggested account on Wednesday, the British news outlet The Independent first reported.

Although the social media platform has not made any statements regarding the development, it’s speculated that many of Trump’s critics are labeling him as a racist given the current political climate in the US following the recent killing of unarmed African-American man George Floyd.

Amid the widespread US protests against police brutality, one of Trump’s tweets was flagged by the social media platform for “glorifying violence.” In the May 29 post , Trump said that “thugs” are “dishonoring the memory of George Floyd.” He also wrote that “when the looting starts, the shooting starts.”

In a statement to AFP, Greg Sterling, a contributing editor at the website Search Engine Land, said the Twitter search result may indicate that "so many people are using the words 'racist' or 'racism' to respond to or describe Donald Trump, or there's a concerted effort to associate Trump's account with those terms."

However, it’s also possible that many Trump supporters trying to defend the president from accusations of racism may also be using the term “racist” in their replies.

Sterling also noted to AFP that Twitter’s ranking algorithm for tweets "uses a variety of signals, including how recently the tweet was published, its relevance (personalization), user engagement with the tweet, the presence of rich media (such as video or images) and several other variables.”

The analyst also pointed out that in 2007, so-called “Google bombing” was used to manipulate Google search results so that then-US President George W. Bush was directly linked to the term “miserable failure.”

According to WordStream, Google bombing is “aimed at increasing a webpage's rank for a specific Google search by exploiting its algorithm. Google bombing generally involves artificially inflating the number of pages that link to a page and the words used in the link's anchor text.”

Kjerstin Thorson, a Michigan State University politics and social media professor, told AFP that a more comprehensive analysis is necessary to determine why Trump was being associated with racism on Twitter, but noted that “it's not unlikely this could be an accurate representation of what people are saying" on the social media site.

"The platforms have gone out of their way to avoid any appearance of bias," she added.

Tensions between Twitter and Trump have been high in recent weeks. Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey has defended his platform's recent decision to fact-check Trump’s tweets ahead of the US elections in November. Trump, in response, signed an executive order last week intended to weaken a law that prevents people from suing social media platforms over content posted by their users.

NRA_HEROES: LT.COL SAM KATABARWA (RIP) R0/00021

Katabarwa, one of the commonest names in revolutionary songs. In Sowing the Mustard Seed, it is said Katabarwa, who had trained at Monduli, had been working with the external committee in Nairobi when he was contacted by an official in the Obote government, around 1985 proposing peace talks.

He was betrayed while following up this contact and was arrested and murdered in 1985

NRAHEROES: MAJ AHMED SEGUYA ( RIP) R0/00011

He was the first commander of the National Resistance Army and died of stomach ailment at the start of the 1981-86 war. His body was preserved by collaborating doctors at Mulago until 1990 nearly10 years after he died, when he was buried with full honours.

NRAHEROES: Lt. JOY MIREMBE R0/00029 ( RIP

She died in 1982 during childbirth in the bush. She was the wife of a prison warder. She is remembered as having been involved in the armed struggle since the 1970s.

Joy was also an NRC member in 1981. Being the first woman in the bush, she inducted the new women into bush life. She was also a competent recruiter, having recruited the likes of Lt Col Ahmed Kashillingi.

NRAHEROES : GEN EMMANUEL FRED GISA RWIGYEMA (RIP) R0/00015

Rwigema was born on 10th April, 1957 in Gitarama, in the south of Rwanda. Considered a Tutsi, in 1960 he and his family fled to Uganda and settled in a refugee camp in Nshungerezi, Ankole following the Hutu Revolution of 1959 and the ouster of King Kigeli

After finishing high school in 1976, he went to Tanzania and joined FRONASA, a rebel group headed by Yoweri Museveni. It was at this point that he began calling himself Fred Rwigema.

Later that year, he traveled to Mozambique and joined the FRELIMO rebels who were fighting for the liberation of Mozambique from Portugal's colonial power.

In 1979, he joined the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), which together with Tanzanian armed forces captured Kampala in 1979 and sent Idi Amin into exile.

He later joined NRA, which fought a guerrilla against the government of Milton Obote. It was here that Rwigyema first fought alongside a number of future RPF leaders including Rwandan president Paul Kagame, Patrick Karegeya, and Kayumba Nyamwasa. Fred Rwigyema was the commander of the western axis

After the NRA captured state power in 1986, Rwigema became the deputy Minister of Defence. He was regularly at the front line in northern Uganda during the new government's offensives against remnants of the ousted regime.

On 1 October 1990, Rwigyema led the a splinter group of NRA troops in an invasion of northern Rwanda.What became the RPF chose this date as it was close to Ugandan independence day on 9 October. This served as an excuse for Rwigyema, as the movement could be disguised from the main NRA as a military parade.

On just the second day of the struggle, Rwigyema was shot in the head and died at Nyabwenshogozi Hill