An experienced CYBER SECURITY ANALYST dealing in transborder crimes on phones,computers,threat intelligence, bug hunting,.... White hat hacking and Repairing phones and reviewer of new technology gadgets
Monday, June 8, 2020
NRA HEROES:Colonel Ahmed Kashillingi RO 040
While almost the entire NRA was away on a
mission to attack Masindi, rebel leader Yoweri
Museveni was attacked by the UNLA
commanded by the feared Lt. Col. John Ogole.
With only 70 fighters, Ahmed Kashilingi mounted
a formidable resistance that enabled the rebel
leader to escape.
Col. Ahmed Kashilingi, RO 040, joined the NRA
bush-war in 1981. In his book Sowing the
Mustard Seed, Museveni says Kyaligonza
commanded Mwanga, one of the six zonal units
NRA formed about six months into its five-year
guerrilla war. Kashilingi joined Kyaligonza’s zonal group around April 1981. The main task of this group was to divert the attention of the government soldiers from the main NRA group of about 50, including Yoweri Museveni, which had moved towards Kiboga after the futile attack on Kabamba barracks in February 1981.
Kyaligonza and Kashilingi, according to veterans who worked under them, had only two guns at the start, an SMG and a pistol. Theirs was mainly urban terrorism. These are the commanders who, using commando tactics, raided Kisoga Police post which they hit with stones and managed to take off with its rifles.
Kashilingi, who joined the army in the late 1960s,
is reported to have received commando training
in Iraq during Idi Amin’s rule. These skills came in handy for the NRA, especially in raiding Police posts. The Kyaligonza/Kashilingi group also used to grab Police uniforms which they would later use in their jungle and urban operations.
Towards the end of 1981, the UNLA hit Kyaligonza’s group hard and threw it in disarray.
Kyaligonza reportedly took off to Kasangati.
Kashilingi, who took a different direction,gathered some of the fighters and headed towards the main force in Matuga. This was shortly before Museveni returned from Kenya and Europe where he had gone in June 1981.
Kashilingi’s first known major operation happened around 1982. Veterans tell us that the
Chairman High Command (CHC), Yoweri Museveni, sent him on a mission to look for medicine and medical personnel shortly after his
return from London. Kashilingi then commanded fighters who raided Nakaseke Hospital. At this
time he had been separated from Kyaligonza who took command of the Black Bombers and operated in the areas of Matuga. Kashilingi
operated in the areas of Makulubita, Katiti,Kalasa and Bombo.
In the forest of one Maama Nsobya at a place called Kanyanda is where Museveni dispatched
Kashilingi to go and raid Nakaseke. The operation was successful and Kashilingi got
medicine and abducted most of the medical personnel of the hospital, including the Medical
Superintendant, Dr. Ronald Bata. Ondoga Ori Amaza, who was also working at Nakaseke, was
captured during this raid. Because the nurses could not walk for a long distance, Kashilingi got
another captive, Kizito Kyamufumba,to drive them in a lorry with their medicines. Kashilingi reported his loot to Museveni at the guerrillas’
headquarters.
When the NRA opened the Western Axis in 1985,Kashilingi remained in Luwero Triangle with themain force under Salim Saleh. At this time Museveni had again traveled abroad where he spent six months.
The 5th battalion which Kashaka and Kashilingi commanded was part of the force that raided Mubende. From Mubende, they captured Mityana
and moved through Mpigi towards Masaka.They moved through Kalungu, Kifampa, Kituntu and
Nkozi. At around Kayabwe on Masaka Road, the 5th battalion got orders to block Katonga Bridge.
The intention was to stop the UNLA soldiers from re-enforcing the besieged Masaka and
Mbarara barracks. It is at Katonga that Kashaka left his 5th battalion and went to Nyabushozi.
Col. Kashilingi took over the command until the capture of Kampala.
Katonga is described by the NRA veterans as the fiercest of all battles. Kashilingi lost 14 fighters
and two of his field commanders around Kayabwe area. Another 16 fighters were injured.
Almost a whole platoon (35 soldiers) under Kashilingi was wiped out by UNLA soldiers using
an anti aircraft gun. Soldiers who fought alongside Kashilingi say that they were saved by the re-enforcement of 180 fighters who had just been trained by Tadeo Kanyankore in Ibanda. It
was only then that Kashilingi managed to overpower the UNLA.
When the Obote soldiers (UNLA) were defeated at Katonga, they ran up to around Nabusanke. At
this time, General Tito Okello Lutwa had successfully staged a coup and declared himself
head of state.
Lutwa called for peace talks, which in effect slowed down the advance of the rebels.
The UNLA under Lutwa established their base at
a place called Kwaba on Kampala-Masaka Road.
Kashilingi’s forces camped on Kamengo Hill,
overlooking the UNLA. When the peace talks
collapsed, the Kashilingi battalion and that of
Pecos Kuteesa were ordered to attack. They
chased government troops almost up to Kampala
suburbs.
When the rest of the battalions pounced on Kampala, Kashilingi was ordered to take Entebbe
Road and capture the airport.It is reported that Lutwa had reached some understanding with
Moses Ali to airlift hundreds of his soldiers from his bases in West-Nile to Entebbe to help Lutwa.
They were reportedly being airdropped at Entebbe as Kashilingi and his troops advanced
towards the airport. In his book, Kuteesa writes that Kashilingi’s forces got encircled and needed
re-enforcement.
Kashilingi, it is reported, wanted to hit the planes that were dropping Moses Ali’s fighters at
Entebbe but he was restrained by Museveni.
Eventually, these fighters from West Nile—about
1,000 of them, surrendered and Entebbe fell to
the rebels.
mission to attack Masindi, rebel leader Yoweri
Museveni was attacked by the UNLA
commanded by the feared Lt. Col. John Ogole.
With only 70 fighters, Ahmed Kashilingi mounted
a formidable resistance that enabled the rebel
leader to escape.
Col. Ahmed Kashilingi, RO 040, joined the NRA
bush-war in 1981. In his book Sowing the
Mustard Seed, Museveni says Kyaligonza
commanded Mwanga, one of the six zonal units
NRA formed about six months into its five-year
guerrilla war. Kashilingi joined Kyaligonza’s zonal group around April 1981. The main task of this group was to divert the attention of the government soldiers from the main NRA group of about 50, including Yoweri Museveni, which had moved towards Kiboga after the futile attack on Kabamba barracks in February 1981.
Kyaligonza and Kashilingi, according to veterans who worked under them, had only two guns at the start, an SMG and a pistol. Theirs was mainly urban terrorism. These are the commanders who, using commando tactics, raided Kisoga Police post which they hit with stones and managed to take off with its rifles.
Kashilingi, who joined the army in the late 1960s,
is reported to have received commando training
in Iraq during Idi Amin’s rule. These skills came in handy for the NRA, especially in raiding Police posts. The Kyaligonza/Kashilingi group also used to grab Police uniforms which they would later use in their jungle and urban operations.
Towards the end of 1981, the UNLA hit Kyaligonza’s group hard and threw it in disarray.
Kyaligonza reportedly took off to Kasangati.
Kashilingi, who took a different direction,gathered some of the fighters and headed towards the main force in Matuga. This was shortly before Museveni returned from Kenya and Europe where he had gone in June 1981.
Kashilingi’s first known major operation happened around 1982. Veterans tell us that the
Chairman High Command (CHC), Yoweri Museveni, sent him on a mission to look for medicine and medical personnel shortly after his
return from London. Kashilingi then commanded fighters who raided Nakaseke Hospital. At this
time he had been separated from Kyaligonza who took command of the Black Bombers and operated in the areas of Matuga. Kashilingi
operated in the areas of Makulubita, Katiti,Kalasa and Bombo.
In the forest of one Maama Nsobya at a place called Kanyanda is where Museveni dispatched
Kashilingi to go and raid Nakaseke. The operation was successful and Kashilingi got
medicine and abducted most of the medical personnel of the hospital, including the Medical
Superintendant, Dr. Ronald Bata. Ondoga Ori Amaza, who was also working at Nakaseke, was
captured during this raid. Because the nurses could not walk for a long distance, Kashilingi got
another captive, Kizito Kyamufumba,to drive them in a lorry with their medicines. Kashilingi reported his loot to Museveni at the guerrillas’
headquarters.
When the NRA opened the Western Axis in 1985,Kashilingi remained in Luwero Triangle with themain force under Salim Saleh. At this time Museveni had again traveled abroad where he spent six months.
The 5th battalion which Kashaka and Kashilingi commanded was part of the force that raided Mubende. From Mubende, they captured Mityana
and moved through Mpigi towards Masaka.They moved through Kalungu, Kifampa, Kituntu and
Nkozi. At around Kayabwe on Masaka Road, the 5th battalion got orders to block Katonga Bridge.
The intention was to stop the UNLA soldiers from re-enforcing the besieged Masaka and
Mbarara barracks. It is at Katonga that Kashaka left his 5th battalion and went to Nyabushozi.
Col. Kashilingi took over the command until the capture of Kampala.
Katonga is described by the NRA veterans as the fiercest of all battles. Kashilingi lost 14 fighters
and two of his field commanders around Kayabwe area. Another 16 fighters were injured.
Almost a whole platoon (35 soldiers) under Kashilingi was wiped out by UNLA soldiers using
an anti aircraft gun. Soldiers who fought alongside Kashilingi say that they were saved by the re-enforcement of 180 fighters who had just been trained by Tadeo Kanyankore in Ibanda. It
was only then that Kashilingi managed to overpower the UNLA.
When the Obote soldiers (UNLA) were defeated at Katonga, they ran up to around Nabusanke. At
this time, General Tito Okello Lutwa had successfully staged a coup and declared himself
head of state.
Lutwa called for peace talks, which in effect slowed down the advance of the rebels.
The UNLA under Lutwa established their base at
a place called Kwaba on Kampala-Masaka Road.
Kashilingi’s forces camped on Kamengo Hill,
overlooking the UNLA. When the peace talks
collapsed, the Kashilingi battalion and that of
Pecos Kuteesa were ordered to attack. They
chased government troops almost up to Kampala
suburbs.
When the rest of the battalions pounced on Kampala, Kashilingi was ordered to take Entebbe
Road and capture the airport.It is reported that Lutwa had reached some understanding with
Moses Ali to airlift hundreds of his soldiers from his bases in West-Nile to Entebbe to help Lutwa.
They were reportedly being airdropped at Entebbe as Kashilingi and his troops advanced
towards the airport. In his book, Kuteesa writes that Kashilingi’s forces got encircled and needed
re-enforcement.
Kashilingi, it is reported, wanted to hit the planes that were dropping Moses Ali’s fighters at
Entebbe but he was restrained by Museveni.
Eventually, these fighters from West Nile—about
1,000 of them, surrendered and Entebbe fell to
the rebels.
Sunday, June 7, 2020
Scammers are taking advantage of COVID-19 pandemic to spread a voicemail email phishing scam
Scammers are taking advantage of COVID-19 pandemic to spread a voicemail email phishing scam when most users across the globe are working from home.
The COVID-19 pandemic has changed the way we live, communicate, and work. Workforces across the world are currently relying on digital communication platforms like Zoom ,
Microsoft Teams , Slack, and Private Branch Exchange (PBX) to perform their day-to-day official duties and work remotely.
However, malicious threat actors are also aware of this fact and are trying their level best to benefit from the current situation.
According to email security firm IronScales, companies using PBX telephone systems to enable communication and information sharing between their employees are the prime targets of sophisticated phishing attacks that can evade email security quite convincingly.
IronScales identified around 100,000 new phishing campaigns in May 2020 delivering fake PBX notifications to steal login credentials. These campaigns are targeting “hundreds of enterprises” from almost every sector including engineering, real estate, IT, oil & gas, health care, financial services, and IT, etc.
PBX is a handy tool that sends voice message recordings directly to an employee’s email account and eliminates the need to access official landlines. Employees can retrieve important voicemails by integrating PBX with their company’s email client.
Exploiting this mechanism, attackers are
sending malicious emails under the guise of PBX voice notifications featuring custom subject lines containing the name of the company or employee name to pass the authenticity test.
Here are two screenshots shared by
IronScales showing how the email looks like:
Through such subject lines, attackers are trying to bypass email defenses like SEGs, Reporting and Conformance system, and the Domain-based Message Authentication (DMARC ). Since there is no attachment in the email, the messages do not raise an alarm and are freely allowed through.
The main objective behind this campaign is to obtain PII (personally identifiable information), login credentials, and critically important business data. It is very important that employees are trained to identify a phishing email, and companies should implement such security systems that can recognize phishing scams .
If your organization automatically sends voicemails to workers inboxes, then your company is at risk of falling victim to this scam. As we know, if an email looks real then someone will fall for it, the company warned in its blog post .
Maze hackers at it again,leak important data about USA army nuclear/missile arsenal contractor
MAZE hackers have leaked the data on their website which is accessible to the public on the normal web as well as the dark web.
The US is perhaps undergoing the most difficult phase in its recent history with riots taking place all over the country . Seems like the government’s woes are far from over since critical US nuclear data got stolen after the US military’s nuclear missile contractor became the target of a cyberattack.
Apparently, the Albuquerque-based Westech International was established in 1995 and works with commercial enterprises and federal agencies.
Reportedly, confidential documents belonging to Westech have been stolen by Maze hackers after they managed to breach the security of its computer networks.
For your information, Westech is a sub-contractor of Northrup Grumman and provides maintenance and engineering-related support for the Minuteman III nuclear deterrent ballistic missiles.
Besides accessing Westech’s networks, the hackers also encrypted the devices and started leaking sensitive documents online to pressurize the company to pay the ransom.
Therefore, currently, it is whether the stolen documents contained confidential military data or not. However, we can confirm that the files have been leaked online, suggesting that the hackers were able to access sensitive data like emails and payroll.
List of Westech International’s clients
Previously, MAZE hackers were in news for attacking the Sonatrach oil giant and leaking its data online. The same group also stole a trove of data from Banco de Costa Rica and leaked it online a few days ago.
As for the sub-contractor, a representative
confirmed to Sky News that Westech has become a victim of a hack attack and its computers have been encrypted. Investigations are underway to determine the perpetrators of the crime and extent of data exposure.
US Senator Rick Scott has said there is evidence to back claims that China is trying to frustrate COVID-19 vaccine development in the United States.
American cybersecurity agents last month announced an investigation into alleged efforts by Chinese-linked hackers to target and compromise US research labs working on a coronavirus vaccine. China, which has five potential vaccines in human trials already and more on the way, denied the accusations as “rumours and slanders”.
US Senator Rick Scott has said there is evidence to back claims that China is trying to frustrate COVID-19 vaccine development in the United States.
“We have got to get this vaccine done. Unfortunately, we have evidence that communist China is trying to sabotage us or slow it down,” he told BBC TV.
Scott stated that China doesn't want the US to be the first country to develop the vaccine. “They have decided to be an adversary to Americans and I think to democracy around the world,” he said.
The senator refused to give more details about the evidence but added that it had come through the intelligence community.
“This vaccine is really important to all of us getting our economy going again,” he said. “What I really believe is whether England does it first or we do it first, we are going to share. Communist China, they are not going to share.”
Scott, a Republican from Florida who served as the state governor from 2011 to 2019, is one of the most vocal China hawks in the Senate. He has previously called for a boycott of all products made in mainland China and claimed that each Chinese citizen is a spy.
The senator, who believes that there is a “new Cold War” going on with China, has openly blamed China for the coronavirus pandemic. Last month, he introduced legislation aimed at protecting US coronavirus vaccine research from interference from the Beijing government. It would authorise the Department of Homeland Security to “continuously monitor” all non-immigrants from China who are engaged in, or have access to, COVID-related research while in the United States.
Tensions between the US and China have escalated since the onset of the coronavirus pandemic, with the Trump administration blaming Beijing for failing to stop the virus from breaking into a global crisis.
Trump has also speculated, without providing any evidence and despite widespread consensus among health experts, that the virus had been released from a lab in Wuhan, at the epicentre of the outbreak. China rejected the claims and said they were meant to distract the public from the US government's own mistakes in its fight against the pandemic, a view
reportedly shared by the German intelligence community as well.
The FBI and Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency last month
announced a joint investigation into the “the targeting and compromise of US organisations conducting COVID-19-related research” by Chinese-linked hackers. The agencies claimed they had detected attempts to steal intellectual property and public health data related to COVID-19 vaccines, treatment, and testing.
China dismissed those accusations as “rumours and slanders”; a Chinese health official said last month that there were five experimental vaccines being tested on people and more were to come. Xi Jinping has supported an investigation pandemic conducted by the WHO, the organisation Trump quit, accusing it of being beholden to Beijing, and vowed to make a Chinese-backed vaccine universally available.
Can you believe that USA has an army allover the whole world! The top 30 countries with the biggest USA army bases.
The United States has been unofficially at war — and involved in various conflicts around the world — since 2001. Indeed,
the U.S. military maintains a massive global presence. More than one in every 10 of 1.3 million active duty service members are stationed at locations outside the U.S.
These service men and women, along with over a trillion dollars worth of infrastructure, are spread across nearly every continent to better protect U.S. interests — an undertaking that often requires either the direct use of force or the threat of it.
Using data from the Department of Defense’s Base Structure Report — Fiscal Year 2018 Baseline, a list of the countries that host American military installations. Countries are ranked by the total number of installations, from fewest to most. In the case of a tie, the country where the cost of replacing the current installations are greater ranks higher. It is important to note that this list only considers sites that existed as of Sept. 30, 2017, and are larger than 10 acres or have a replacement value of $10 million or higher.
Supplemental data, including the nearest city, also came from the DoD report. GDP per capita at purchasing power parity came from the World Bank, and annual defense spending came from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. Both figures are for the most recent available year.
Not only do the countries on this list have some form of defense agreement with the United States, but also they have some geopolitical value advancing U.S. military strategic objectives. For example, the U.S. military has installations in South Korea to deter North Korean aggression. American bases in the Middle East have been used as staging grounds for the fight against ISIS. Installations for monitoring and halting illegal drug shipments are hosted by a handful of Central American and Caribbean nations.
Though the Department of Defense considers these to be U.S. military installations, many of them are used jointly with the host nation or with coalitions such as NATO. Though these bases number in the hundreds, the U.S. military’s largest footprint is located in the United States. Here is a list of America’s largest military bases .
30. Canada
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: 185 acres; N/A
> Largest US base in Canada: Argentia Newfoundland (nearest city: Placentia)
> Canada’s military spending in 2019: $22.20 billion (1.3% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $48,786.76
> Population: 37.1 million
The U.S. and its northern neighbor defense arrangements extend beyond the presence of military bases and include continental defense within the binational North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD). Still, the only U.S. military base remaining in Canada, its closest military ally, is the Argentia Newfoundland base, which was built during WWII.
The U.S. maintained a strong naval presence there throughout the war and through the following decades during the Cold War, when, among other functions, it helped detect Soviet nuclear submarines. Since the end of the Cold War, the base lost much of its functional purpose and by 1994, all American military personnel were withdrawn. In recent years, however, the site has been used by the U.S. Coast Guard as a resupply point for ships in the Placentia Bay.
29. Peru
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: N/A; $19.8 million
> Largest US base in Peru: Naval Medical Research Center No. 6 (nearest city: Lima)
> Peru’s military spending in 2019: $2.72 billion (1.2% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $12,782.38
> Population: 32.0 million
The only U.S. military base in Peru serves as an infectious disease research center. The Naval Medical Research Center, or NAMRU-6, was established in 1983 and works on vaccine testing, infection prevention, diagnostics, and insect control measures.
28. El Salvador
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: 35 acres; $24.2 million
> Largest US base in El Salvador: Cooperative Secure Location El Salvador (nearest city: San Salvador)
> El Salvador’s military spending in 2019: $319.5 million (1.2% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $8,606.98
> Population: 6.4 million
Cooperative Secure Location, or CSL, a base maintained by the U.S. Navy, is the only operating American military outpost in El Salvador. As its name suggests, the CSL is the product of a long-term cooperative agreement with the host nation. Not technically a base, the CSL is primarily an airfield the U.S. leases from El Salvador. The CSL was established in 2000 to monitor large shipments of illegal drugs. It is operated by the U.S. Navy and other U.S. agencies personnel.
27. Iceland
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: 1,049 acres; $28.0 million
> Largest US base in Iceland: Naval Air Station Keflavik (nearest city: Grindavik)
> Iceland’s military spending in 2019: N/A
> GDP per capita: $56,591.72
> Population: 352,721
The Navy is investing tens of millions of dollars into Naval Air Station Keflavik, which has gone largely unused since 2006. The base, which served as a way-station during WWII and the Cold War has taken on a new strategic significance, as it will now house P-8A Poseidon aircraft used to track Russian submarines — which have become increasingly present in the region.
Though Iceland is a member of NATO, it has no standing military of its own and depends on the militaries of other member states for its security.
26. Kenya
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: N/A; $41.2 million
> Largest US base in Kenya: Naval Support Activity – Kenya (nearest city: Mombasa)
> Kenya’s military spending in 2019: $1.15 billion (1.2% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $4,192.80
> Population: 51.4 million
The U.S. established diplomatic relations with Kenya in 1964 and formed a stronger partnership with the country following its transition to a democracy in 2002. Advancing its strategic objectives, the U.S. is working with the East African country military to increase its counterterrorism, marittime, and peacekeeping capabilities. As of September 2017, the U.S.had one major military base in the country — a naval support station outside of Mombasa.
In August 2019, Camp Simba, located near Manda Bay, became one of the latest bases established in the country. An attack on the camp by al-Shabaab fighters in early 2020 left three Americans dead. Because it only recently became an official military installation, Camp Simba was not counted in the ranking for this story.
25. Egypt
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: 3 acres; $68.4 million
> Largest US base in Egypt: Naval Medical Research Unit 3 (nearest city: Cairo)
> Egypt’s military spending in 2019: $3.74 billion (1.2% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $11,366.34
> Population: 98.4 million
Since 1946, the U.S. Navy has had a footprint in Egypt with a Naval Medical Research Unit 3 — the Defense Department’s largest overseas laboratory made up of about 30 buildings that span 3 acres. The installation conducts research and surveillance — primarily related to infectious disease — to support military personnel deployed across Africa, the Middle East, and Southwest Asia.
24. Qatar
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: N/A; $106.2 million
> Largest US base in Qatar: Camp As Sayliyah (nearest city: Doha)
> Qatar’s military spending in 2019: N/A
> GDP per capita: $94,502.69
> Population: 2.8 million
Camp As Sayliyah in Qatar is a U.S. Army base comprising 23 buildings with a DoD-estimated value of over $106 million. American military personnel stationed at the base participate in an annual multinational exercise named Eagle Resolve — which includes counterterrorism training and simulations of various attacks. Qatar is a key U.S. ally in the Middle East, supporting both NATO and American military operations in the region.
23. United Arab Emirates
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: 36 acres; $113.2 million
> Largest US base in UAE: Naval Support Activity – Port of Jebel Ali (nearest city: Dubai)
> United Arab Emirates’s military spending in 2019: N/A
> GDP per capita: $65,943.28
> Population: 9.6 million
Along with Qatar and Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates is one of a handful of Persian Gulf countries that the U.S. military counts among its allies. The Port of Jebel Ali, located in the Gulf just south of Dubai, is the world’s largest artificial deep-water harbor and also the busiest port for the U.S. Navy outside of the United States.
22. Bulgaria
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: N/A; $137.9 million
> Largest US base in Bulgaria: Novo Selo Training Area (nearest city: Novo Selo)
> Bulgaria’s military spending in 2019: $2.13 billion (3.2% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $21,992.65
> Population: 7.0 million
Since the fall in 1991 of the Soviet Union — of which Bulgaria was a satellite state — the U.S.has developed a close military alliance with Bulgaria. As a result, the U.S. military has access to and shared use of several military facilities in the Balkan country. The Novo Selo Training Area, or NSTA, is a joint U.S.-Bulgarian military base that has been used by both countries for training and troop exercises since 2004. The facility is equipped for tank artillery firing and nuclear and chemical weapons defense training. The U.S. Army invested $61 million in the base in 2008.
Bulgaria is one of a handful of NATO countries to spend at least 2.0% of its annual GDP on defense — a threshold agreed upon in 2014.
21. Singapore
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: N/A; $324.7 million
> Largest US base in Singapore: Singapore Area Coordinator (nearest city: Singapore)
> Singapore’s military spending in 2019: $11.21 billion (3.2% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $96,477.22
> Population: 5.6 million
Mutual interests like security and defense — particularly with regard to terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destuction — are a cornerstone of U.S.-Singapore relations, though the two countries do not refer to each other as allies. Under a recently re-signed agreement, the U.S. military has access to naval and air bases in the city-state until 2035. As of September 2017, the U.S. operates one Naval base in Singapore — a strategic access point to the South China Sea.
20. Honduras
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: N/A; $494.0 million
> Largest US base in Honduras: Soto Cano (nearest city: Comayagua)
> Honduras’s military spending in 2019: $404.0 million (1.6% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $5,672.25
> Population: 9.6 million
For about 40 years, the U.S. military has had an outpost at Soto Cano Air Base known as Joint Task Force Bravo. At any given time, the base has between 500 and 1,500 U.S. troops who carry out a range of missions including disaster response, medical assistance, and military training for allied nations in the region.
East Africa Response Force (CC BY 2.0 ) by
The U.S. Army
19. Djibouti
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: 572 acres; $1.2 billion
> Largest US base in Djibouti: Camp Lemonnier (nearest city: Djibouti)
> Djibouti’s military spending in 2019: N/A
> GDP per capita: $5,100.73
> Population: 958,920
Camp Lemonnier, located in the East African nation of Djibouti, was established in 2003 and is the only combat-capable American military base on the continent. The base, which formerly belonged to France, is now home to some 4,000 American troops whose primary role is carrying out counterterrorism operations in Somalia. Camp Lemonnier also has been a base for missions conducted in nearby Yemen.
18. Greenland
> Number of US installations: 1
> Total size and value of installations: 233,034 acres; $4.7 billion
> Largest US base in Greenland: Thule Air Base (nearest city: Thule)
> Greenland’s military spending in 2019: N/A
> GDP per capita: N/A
> Population: 56,025
Though Greenland is a territory of Denmark, it is classified as autonomous and has its own parliament. Greenland is also considered the largest island in the world and is an important strategic ally to the United States. The Thule Air Base, established at the beginning of the Cold War, is geographically the largest U.S. military installation located in a foreign country, spanning over 233,000 acres.
The base is home to the 21st Space Wing’s network of missile detection sensors, a dedicated squadron for detecting and tracking potential intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) launched at targets in North America, a 10,000-foot runway, and the world’s northernmost deep water port.
17. Kuwait
> Number of US installations: 2
> Total size and value of installations: N/A; $1.2 billion
> Largest US base in Kuwait: N/A
> Kuwait’s military spending in 2019: $7.71 billion (5.6% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $50,478.64
> Population: 4.1 million
The United States established diplomatic relations with Kuwait in 1961 and liberated the oil rich country from Iraq in 1991. Since 2003, the country has served as a staging ground for U.S. military operations in Iraq. As of September 2017, there were two major U.S. military installations in the country: Camp Arifjan, which serves as U.S. military headquarters in the country, and Camp Buehring, an Army base that boasts a 5,215 foot runway with precision radar capabilities that allow for landings in low-visibility conditions.
16. Spain
> Number of US installations: 2
> Total size and value of installations: 9,390 acres; $2.8 billion
> Largest US base in Spain: Naval Station Rota (nearest city: Rota)
> Spain’s military spending in 2019: $17.18 billion (1.2% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $40,329.98
> Population: 46.8 million
The United States owns and operates two major military installations in Spain: Morón Air Force Base and Naval Station Rota. In addition to these installations, the U.S. is permitted to use certain Spanish military bases and facilities.
As a NATO member state, Spain in 2014 agreed to spend at least 2.0% of its annual GDP on defense by 2024. Currently, the Mediterranean nation spends just 1.2% of its GDP on defense.
15. Romania
> Number of US installations: 3
> Total size and value of installations: 438 acres; $187.3 million
> Largest US base in Romania: Naval Support Facility Romania (nearest city: Mihail KogÄlniceanu)
> Romania’s military spending in 2019: $4.94 billion (2.0% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $28,554.58
> Population: 19.5 million
Romania, an adversary of the United States in WWII, has become a close ally since the fall of the Soviet Union, even joining NATO in 2004. The U.S. has several military installations in the Balkan country, including an airfield, an Army camp, and a naval facility near the Black Sea.
Romania hit its NATO-designated defense spending of 2.0% of annual GDP for the first time in 2019. When NATO set the target threshold in 2014, Romania was spending the equivalent of 1.3% of its GDP on defense.
14. Australia
> Number of US installations: 3
> Total size and value of installations: 20,072 acres; $254.7 million
> Largest US base in Australia: Area C-HFR (nearest city: Exmouth)
> Australia’s military spending in 2019: $25.91 billion (1.9% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $49,575.98
> Population: 25.0 million
The United States has three military installations in Australia. Each is a communications facility that the U.S. Navy operates jointly with the Australian military on a peninsula in Western Australia that separates the Exmouth Gulf from the Indian Ocean.
Australia is one of the closest military allies of the United States — the two countries have fought together in every major conflict since World War I. The strong alliance is a pillar of peacekeeping and stability in the Indo-Pacific region.
13. Oman
> Number of US installations: 4
> Total size and value of installations: 9,000 acres; $186.2 million
> Largest US base in Oman: Masirah Island Mpt Site 1 (nearest city: Muscat)
> Oman’s military spending in 2019: $6.73 billion (8.8% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $28,593.18
> Population: 4.8 million
Oman, home to four U.S. military installations, is a critical strategic ally in an unstable region. The U.S.’s common objectives with the Middle Eastern country include counterterrorism and security of maritime oil shipments. The largest U.S. military base in the country is an Air Force facility on the island of Masirah that boasts 10,005 foot and 8,446 foot runways.
12. Greece
> Number of US installations: 4
> Total size and value of installations: 101 acres; $539.8 million
> Largest US base in Greece: Naval Support Activity Souda Bay (nearest city: Soudha Bay)
> Greece’s military spending in 2019: $5.47 billion (2.6% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $29,715.12
> Population: 10.7 million
As the southernmost NATO member in the Eastern Mediterranean region, Greece is an important NATO ally, according to the U.S. State Department. As of September 2017, the U.S. had four major naval bases in the country, the largest of which is the Naval Support Activity Souda Bay that covers over 100 acres on the island of Crete. The base, which provides operational support to U.S. and coalition forces operating in the area, was founded in 1969 with an initial staff of 13. Today, it is home to 750 military and civilian personnel.
11. Netherlands
> Number of US installations: 6
> Total size and value of installations: 42 acres; $594.4 million
> Largest US base in Netherlands: Davis-Monthan Air Force Base (nearest city: Curacao)
> Netherlands’ military spending in 2019: $12.06 billion (1.3% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $56,454.93
> Population: 17.2 million
The Netherlands, one of the oldest U.S. military allies, is home to five major American military installations — each controlled by the Army. These bases include the U.S. Army Garrison Benelux-Schinnen, a support base of operations for regional American and NATO interests. A sixth U.S. base, the Forward Operating Location in the Netherlands Antilles territories, is used to combat drug trafficking is located in the Caribbean.
As a NATO member state, the Netherlands in 2014 agreed to spend at least 2.0% of its annual GDP on defense by 2024. Currently, the Netherlands spend just 1.3% of annual GDP on defense.
10. Bahamas
> Number of US installations: 6
> Total size and value of installations: 540 acres; $460.1 million
> Largest US base in Bahamas: AUTEC Main Base (nearest city: Andros Island)
> Bahamas’s military spending in 2019: N/A
> GDP per capita: $35,500.54
> Population: 385,640
The Bahamas are home to six active U.S. Navy installations — each a part of the broader Atlantic Undersea Test and Evaluation Center, or AUTEC, a submarine and weapons testing program. The main AUTEC base was selected because of its location, a site that is protected from the open ocean, insulating it from ambient noise. All told, AUTEC facilities in the Bahamas include 141 buildings, span 540 acres, and have a total DoD estimated replacement value of nearly $500 million.
9. Bahrain
> Number of US installations: 8
> Total size and value of installations: 204 acres; $1.5 billion
> Largest US base in Bahrain: Naval Support Activity (nearest city: Manama)
> Bahrain’s military spending in 2019: $1.40 billion (3.7% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $46,172.25
> Population: 1.6 million
As of September 2017, the United States had eight major military installations in the Persian Gulf nation of Bahrain — all of them operated by the Navy. The U.S. has had a military presence in the country since 1948 and has more than 7,000 military personnel stationed there. The U.S. Navy’s 5th Fleet is based in the country and patrols much of the region, including the Gulf of Oman, the Strait of Hormuz, the Suez Canal, and the Red Sea. Bahrain is a key U.S. partner in the region and a participant in the U.S.-led coalition to defeat ISIS.
24/7 Wall St. These Countries Are Increasing Their Weapons Stockpiles the Fastest
8. Turkey
> Number of US installations: 8
> Total size and value of installations: 3,492 acres; $2.6 billion
> Largest US base in Turkey: Incirlik Air Base (nearest city: Adana)
> Turkey’s military spending in 2019: $20.45 billion (2.7% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $28,298.87
> Population: 82.3 million
Turkey is an important historic U.S. ally, providing the U.S. military strategic leverage against the Soviet Union during the Cold War and a launching point for U.S. operations in the Middle East. The only NATO member state in the Middle East, Turkey remains a key strategic partner. The U.S. has eight military installations in the country — the largest of which is the 3,336-acre Incirlik Air Base. There are about 2,500 American troops stationed at the base, which is also home to as many as 50 nuclear gravity bombs. Notably, Turkey refused to let the U.S. use the base during the 2003 invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan.
7. Belgium
> Number of US installations: 9
> Total size and value of installations: 0 acres; $1.5 billion
> Largest US base in Belgium: N/A
> Belgium’s military spending in 2019: $4.82 billion (0.9% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $51,250.33
> Population: 11.4 million
Home to the NATO headquarters, Belgium is a key military ally of the United States. The country is also host to nine major American military installations — nine run by the Army and one by the Air Force. American bases in the area serve both U.S. and NATO interests.
As a NATO member state, Belgium in 2014 agreed to spend at least 2.0% of its annual GDP on defense by 2024. Currently, Belgium spends just 0.9% of annual GDP on defense.
6. Portugal
> Number of US installations: 9
> Total size and value of installations: 1,427 acres; $1.8 billion
> Largest US base in Portugal: Lajes Field (nearest city: Lajes)
> Portugal’s military spending in 2019: $4.51 billion (1.9% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $33,948.13
> Population: 10.3 million
Portugal is one of several NATO member countries to rank on this list. As of September 2017, the country was host to nine U.S. military installations. The largest installation in the country is the Lajes Field. Though the base is run by the Portuguese Air Force, it is home to the 65th Air Base Wing. The base, located in the Azores, is a logistical hub for the U.S. and NATO partners. Portugal is a U.S. partner in a number of capacities, including combating ISIS and fighting trafficking.
5. United Kingdom
> Number of US installations: 18
> Total size and value of installations: 18,456 acres; $13.0 billion
> Largest US base in United Kingdom: Naval Support Facility Diego Garcia (nearest city: N/A)
> United Kingdom’s military spending in 2019: $48.65 billion (1.7% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $46,330.34
> Population: 66.5 million
There are 18 major military installations in the United Kingdom — the largest of which is the 7,000-acre Naval base located in the British overseas territory of Diego Garcia. The second largest U.S. base in Great Britain is the Ascension Auxiliary Airfield, which is also located off the mainland in the territory of St. Helena. The U.S. Air Force shares this base with the Royal Air Force. The largest American base on the mainland is the RAF Lakenheath, which is home to the 48th Fighter Wing.
4. Italy
> Number of US installations: 29
> Total size and value of installations: 2,313 acres; $9.5 billion
> Largest US base in Italy: Aviano Air Base (nearest city: Aviano)
> Italy’s military spending in 2019: $26.79 billion (1.4% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $42,188.51
> Population: 60.4 million
Italy is one of several U.S. adversaries from WWII that are now a close ally — and home to multiple American military installations. The country is home to nine major Air Force installations, 10 Army installations, and another 10 Navy installations. The largest U.S. base in the country is the Aviano Air Base, located in northern Italy and home to the 31st Fighter Wing. The second largest U.S. base in the country is the Naval Air Station Sigonella in Sicily, which is part of a larger NATO base that includes troops from other member states.
24/7 Wall St. Countries Buying the Most Weapons From the US Government
3. South Korea
> Number of US installations: 64
> Total size and value of installations: 30,944 acres; $24.4 billion
> Largest US base in South Korea: Pyeongtaek Cpx Area (nearest city: Pyeongtaek)
> South Korea’s military spending in 2019: $43.89 billion (2.7% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $39,492.27
> Population: 51.6 million
South Korea is a close U.S. ally that shares a border with one of our nation’s most dangerous adversaries — North Korea, a nuclear power. As of September 2020, the U.S. had 64 major bases throughout the country, operated by the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marine Corps.
Recently, Camp Humphreys in Pyeongtaek, about an hour south of the South Korean capital of Seoul, underwent a massive expansion. Once one of the smaller installations in the country, the base recently tripled in size from housing about 11,000 U.S. troops to over 40,000. The base is a focal point of U.S. operations in asia.
2. Japan
> Number of US installations: 86
> Total size and value of installations: 114,919 acres; $98.1 billion
> Largest US base in Japan: Camp Fuji (nearest city: Fuji)
> Japan’s military spending in 2019: $47.61 billion (0.9% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $41,205.96
> Population: 126.5 million
As of September 2017, Japan was host to 86 major American military installations — the most of any country in Asia and second most in the world, not counting the United States. The largest U.S. installation in the country is Camp Fuji, which contains five live fire ranges and is operated by the Marine Corps. The camp is located on the main island of Honshu less than two hours from Tokyo. The U.S.-Japan military alliance is a pillar of stability in the region.
The concentration of American military installations in Japan are due in large part to an agreement forged in 1960. The U.S.-Japan agreement allowed the United States to establish bases in the country — giving the U.S. a foothold in Asia — so long as it defended Japan if it were attacked.
1. Germany
> Number of US installations: 87
> Total size and value of installations: 6,373 acres; $44.7 billion
> Largest US base in Germany: Ramstein Air Base (nearest city: Ramstein)
> Germany’s military spending in 2019: $49.28 billion (1.3% of GDP)
> GDP per capita: $53,659.99
> Population: 82.9 million
Germany, one of the closest U.S. allies today, is host to 87 major American military installations — the largest of which by total acreage is the Ramstein Air Base. In close proximity to the borders of nine other countries, the base serves as the U.S. Air Force European headquarters and is sometimes referred to as “Little America” because of the tens of thousands of U.S. personnel in the area. The second largest US installation in the country is the Spangdahlem Air Base, located in western Germany. The base is home to the 52nd Fighter Wing.
The world-leading U.S. military presence in Germany can be partially explained by the two country’s history since the end of World War II, when the U.S. military was part of the decade-long occupation of Germany. The U.S. European Command is headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany.
More than 140 high-profile scientists funded by Chan Zuckerberg Initiative (CZI) or the Chan Zuckerberg Biohub called on Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg to make the social network's content policies on misinformation and incendiary language stricter amid ongoing anti-racial protests in the US and other countries across the world.
The scientists expressed their concerns in a letter to Zuckerberg, published late on Saturday after Facebook did not remove a post by US President Donald Trump, which was widely considered as inflammatory and having racist origins.
The post, which was censored by Twitter, triggered a widespread backlash, including from Facebook staff, amid nationwide protests against racism and police brutality.
"We urge you to consider stricter policies on misinformation and incendiary language that harms people or groups of people, especially in our current climate that is grappling with racial injustice," the letter said.
According to the letter, "the spread of deliberate misinformation and divisive language" by Facebook contradicts to the researchers' aim to use the technology for coping with various challenges, like preventing and eradicating disease, improving learning experiences for kids and reforming the criminal justice system.
"Thus, like many, we were disconcerted to see that Facebook has not followed their own policies in regards to President Trump, who has used the Facebook platform to spread both misinformation and incendiary statements," the letter added.
The letter was signed by 143 scientists, including more than 60 professors at leading US research institutions and 68 principal investigators who are direct awardees of CZI or Chan Zuckerberg Biohub funds.
Apart from that, Facebook's employees staged a virtual walkout this week to protest the decision not to remove the post by Trump. In response to growing opposition among employees, Zuckerberg held an emergency meeting and said that
Facebook would review its policies on handling violating or potentially-violating content and develop products to improve racial justice.
The US and a number of other countries have been gripped by mass protests against police brutality since late May after the death George Floyd, an African-American man, in Minneapolis police custody.
Floyd died on May 25 after a white police officer, Derek Chauvin, pinned him to the ground with his knee for over eight minutes. Chauvin was charged with second-degree and third-degree murder and manslaughter while the other three officers involved in the incident were charged with aiding and abetting murder and manslaughter.
Facebook and Instagram have joined
Twitter in removing a video tribute to the late George Floyd posted by the reelection campaign of US President Donald Trump's ‘Trump Team’ on Friday, citing a copyright complaint.
“We received a copyright complaint from the creator under the Digital Millennium Copyright Act and have removed the post,” Facebook spokesperson Andy Stone said, cited by POLITICO . “Organizations that use original art shared on Instagram are
expected to have the right to do so”.
The copyright complaint over the video was submitted to Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and YouTube by a law firm in Burbank, California, according to POLITICO. The firm said that the video infringed on material from an artist it represents.
“My client is very talented, so I can understand why the President chose to use their work as part of his re-election efforts,” said Sam Koolaq, director of the law firm, cited by the outlet. “Thankfully, the law protects artists from unauthorized usage, even when the unauthorized user is the President”.
In the four-minute video, the president describes Floyd’s death as a “grave tragedy”, while claiming that the “violence and anarchy” seen in the protests triggered by the incident were made by radical “left-wing groups”.
The removal of the video from the Facebook and Instagram social platforms came shortly after a similar action by Twitter. The Trump campaign accused Twitter of “making up the rules as they go along”, complaining that the social media company “has repeatedly failed to explain why their rules seem to only apply to the Trump campaign but not to others”.
YouTube has not removed the video, however, which is narrated by Trump and covers topics including the killing of African-American George Floyd at the hands of white police officers in Minneapolis and protests provoked by the incident across the country.
The recent weeks have seen sharp conflict between Trump and the most popular social media platforms, starting after Twitter flagged one of the president’s tweets regarding mail-in ballots as potentially misleading.
In response, Trump signed an executive order calling for a series of legislative and legal actions to prevent social media platforms from regulating user content, particularity the president's content.
Several days later, Twitter slapped a ‘public interest notice’ on a Trump tweet regarding the ongoing George Floyd protests across the US, saying the president violated rules concerning the glorification of violence.
On Wednesday, Snapchat announced that it had stopped the promotion of Trump’s account on its app's discover page, after concluding that the president’s posts are “inciting racial violence and injustice”
NRA HEROES :Capt. Shaban Kashanku. ( RIP) R0/00020
Shaban was in original cohort that trained in Mozambique in 1976 and was in the FRONASA group that fought Amin in 1979. He was in the 27 armed men that attacked Kabamba on 6 Feb 1981.
He died in the early days of the Bush war
NRA HEROES: GEN CALEB AKANDWANAHO AKA SALIM SALEH R0/00016
The younger brother of President Yoweri Museveni was born two years before Uganda attained independence, in 1960. Saleh went to Kako SS for his secondary education. However, this was cut short after he visited his elder brother Museveni in Tanzania.
"I was 16 years and when I went to Tanzania, I joined other colleagues to train in Mozambique," he says. By 1979, Saleh had already trained as a commando in Mozambique and fought in the war that uprooted dictator Idi Amin Dada in 1979.
Saleh was part of a core group of ‘hardened' fighters trained at Montepuez, like late Maj. Gen. Fred Rwigyema, who was as daring as a devil. Others included Gen. Ivan Koreta, the late Chefe Ali and Ayeli Pipino.
When the war broke out, Saleh stayed in Tanzania as a liaison officer between the Tanzanian and FRONASA forces, but later joined the war effort and commanded a company up to West Nile.
Later, the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) was created from among the various fighting forces after the removal of Amin.
"We assembled in Mubende and since I had been a commander with good military and leadership skills, I was appointed army instructor. I did that for three months.
An opportunity for training in Munduli, Tanzania came, but I lost out because only people with O'level and higher qualifications were considered," he recalls. However, he got a chance to train in Jinja as a non-commissioned officer.
Although he is reluctant to talk about his daring escapades, one of his courageous acts in 1980 was rescuing Museveni, who had been arrested by government soldiers at a roadblock as he drove towards Kireka. In her book, My Journey, Janet Museveni narrates: "Saleh, Rwigyema and the others jumped out of the car with their weapons cocked and ready to fire.
They out-numbered the soldiers manning the roadblock." Museveni and his family jumped into the car and sped off.
Saleh was, in February 1981, posted to the 14th Battalion in Moroto and so he was not among the group that attacked Kabamba at the launch of the National Resistance Army bush war. Nevertheless, he joined his colleagues.
One morning, he was arrested and charged with murder in the civilian court in Moroto. For four months he remained on remand until one day, the magistrate freed him, citing no case to answer.
On return to the barracks, a new commander called Tibamuleka told him he had been posted to Moyo.
Instead of going to Moyo where he had been posted, he was picked up by then 2nd Lt. (now Lt. Gen.) Katumba Wamala and driven to a ‘safe house' in Mbuya where combatants going to the bush used to converge. The group then journeyed through Buwambo to a link point near Matugga.
This was in July 1981, five months after the start of the war. "It was like a reunion since I found many of my former comrades there," he says.
Saleh soon became one of the toasts of the revolution, leading fighters into many successful battles of the guerrilla war. He was appointed commander of the Mobile Force and specifically the decoy that was an element of the Mobile Force. In February 1983, he almost met his Waterloo at Bukalabi.
Saleh recalls, contrary to some reports, that the attack on UNLA soldiers in Bukalabi near Semuto was forced on the chairman (Museveni) by his commanders and was not well-planned. At the time, the NRA had secured a big swath of territory. The attack on Bukalabi was pushed for territorial gain.
"We commanders did not think that we could lose territory and yet the Museveni's view was that we should have withdrawn," he says.
Apparently, the last intelligence before the attack was wrong and Saleh's unit entered the first enemy defenses without realising it. Saleh rallied his men to fight on, until he realised that many had been shot, some dead. Pondering his next move, he was shot three times in the arms
He ordered the rest of the fighters to withdraw from battle. By that time, he had taken several bullets: his jacket had 18 bullet holes.
Saleh recalls: "That was bad. It was painful because it was the first time we left our dead in the battle field."
To war survivors in Luweero, Saleh's survival in Bukalabi was out of the ordinary. "He used his hands to stop the bullets. One of his hands produced a spear-like symbol whenever he opened it towards the UNLA soldiers," one resident said. Others claimed that Saleh turned into a cat and escaped.
He might have lost that battle, but to the adoring NRA supporters, he remained a hero. "True, my jacket had 18 bullet holes. Only three or four got into my body. It was God's plan, He wanted me alive," he says today.
But Saleh had a reputation as a super human being because of his almost suicidal antics on the battle field. Some described him as a man possessed in battle; that he had a ‘big insect' in his head that scratched him to carry out suicidal missions.
Some claim that during battle, he could disappear only to be seen standing on an anthill or even up on a tree, smoking away as he monitored the progress.
"His adage was ‘death before dishonour'," says retired Capt. Godfrey Kangave, who was part of Saleh's mobile unit.
In February 1984, Saleh led another big assault on Masindi barracks where he grabbed over 700 assorted weapons and months later. During an attack on Kabamba, his unit seized an assortment of over 600 weapons
Saleh was sometimes mischievous. In the third NRA attack on Kabamba barracks, for example, he engaged a UNLA soldier guarding the armoury in cheeky talk — including a promise of promotion to the rank of major if he stopped his resistance!
"He walked with and carried this feeling and picture of invincibility, which with time, he transferred to his fighters. In many battles like at Kembogo, he made us feel invincible against better armed government soldiers," Kangave said.
On his part, Saleh says: "In all battles, I was just lucky, with very good training, very good commanders in charge and very good fighters."
The Kembogo battle turned out to be the last nail in the coffin of the UNLA; a culmination of several weeks of a cat-and-mouse game between the NRA' s Mobile Brigade and the UNLA's Special Brigade. Saleh humiliated the UNLA force commanded by John Ogole.
"Ogole believed that if you finally defeated Saleh's mobile brigade, then the NRA would be no more," recounted Maj. Gen. Pecos Kuteesa, who commanded the 1st battalion of the mobile brigade. However, Saleh triumphed.
Saleh was again in charge when NRA battled UNLA soldiers in Masaka, brazenly driving into the town ahead of his fighters who were following him on foot. Normally, the commander comes in last, but that was not for Saleh.
For the final prize — the capture of Kampala — Saleh says: "I was privileged to have drawn the plan for the attack on Kampala and it was fully accepted by the CHC."
When the war ended, Saleh later served as army commander & retired, although he often has periodic recalls in the army. In the 1990s, he initiated the failed peace talks with the LRA and was part of the team that revived dialogue with the rebels in mid-2000
During retirement, he also went back to school and completed his A' level. In 2003, he was in the pioneer class at the prestigious Uganda Senior Command and Staff College, Kimaka(See this)
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