Friday, May 20, 2022

Who are the rightful owners of Rutshuru?..An extract from a conversation by one Congolese to a known news website

 What about Congolese Hutu? For several months, North Kivu, epicenter of ethnic conflicts and base of many wars that have bloodied the DRC for more than two decades, has started to burn again. With relentless fervor. It all started, in November 2015, with the Buleusa massacre, hitherto a peaceful city in the north of Walikale territory, in the Ikobo groupement, when Nande attacked the Hutu, killing several of them and setting fire to their houses, pushing the survivors to flee to Miriki, to take refuge in a camp for the displaced. The number of Hutu victims is not known to date, but sources speak of more than a hundred people killed. It is in Miriki that, in January 2016, 18 Nande people will be killed. Sources blamed the FDLR, which strongly denied. For many Nande, these Rwandan militiamen wanted to avenge their Congolese Hutu cousins. This region is scoured by foreign militias: as much as there are FDLR, Rwandan Hutus, there are also the ADF-NALU, Ugandan Nande known for their numerous massacres in Beni territory. Some political leaders took the opportunity to blow sulfur on the flames in order to increase their intensity tenfold. In Congolese society where street speeches reign supreme, as on the web, now in turmoil, the nagging question comes back: but, above all, are there Hutus, or even – those who go with them – Congolese Tutsis of origin? This is a reflection of a neutral and impartial observer, a journalist who has spent many years investigating the conflicts of the East, both among ordinary citizens, actors and witnesses of history, and in Belgium , a former colonizer of the Congo, in order to better understand the conflicts in the east of the country and in the countries of the region, and to propose solutions to the problems that are tearing the social fabric apart.

Mathematical postulate In the conflicts of Kivu, the tendency is often very strong to question the nationality of the adversary, if by misfortune the latter is a speaker of Kinyarwanda. Admittedly, in their last reaction, the leaders of Kyaghanda, the Nande mutual, insisted on the fact that they had never denied the existence of the Congolese Hutu, but it is nonetheless true that many other Congolese think the opposite. The speech of denial of the Hutu and Tutsi as components of the Congolese nation is not the fact of the Congolese originating from distant provinces of the center and the West, long abused by a speech of exclusion coming from the eastern hills of the country , but it has its roots in seemingly respectable people. The case, to cite some of the most recent examples, of Mukumbulhe Kahindo, who introduces himself as "Head of the College of Bami (customary chiefs) Nande", and who, in a letter sent on November 20, 2016 to the Minister of Decentralization, with extension to all that the country counts as authorities, denies the Hutu Congolese citizenship and requires the attachment of their entities to the Nande chiefdoms. But these kinds of assertions are also made by intellectuals, like my friend Léonard Kambere Muhindo, who published two books on the subject (“After the Banyamulenge, Here are the Banyabwisha in the Kivus. The Ethnic Map of Congo Belgian in 1959", Editions YIRA, Kinshasa, and "Look at the Conflicts of Nationalities in the Congo; Case of the Hutu, Tutsi (Banyamulenge)", 1st Part, Legal Aspect, Ed. YIRA, Kinshasa, 1998).

Rehashed a thousand times, on TV as in the streets, on news sites or those of online debates, this rhetoric is now posed as a mathematical postulate that needs no demonstration. "There is neither Hutu nor Congolese Tutsi", repeat in chorus many Congolese on the web, at the risk of blowing up social networks. But what is it exactly? First, according to their history, there are two categories of Hutu in the DRC: the natives of Rutshuru and the descendants of the "transplanted" of Masisi. THE NATIVES OF RUTSHURU From the outset, it is important to emphasize that the eastern borders of the Congo were defined, not in 1885 as some say, but rather by the convention of May 14, 1910, a convention that finally came into force from June 14, 1911. It should be noted that European explorers arrived quite late in this region of Kivu. The least you can do is ask them the question of who they found on the spot in the territories they visited, and their written testimonies will edify us. Evidences First evidence: in the same way that the province of central Kongo today was part of the former Kongo kingdom, today divided between Angola, the DRC and Congo-Brazzaville, the former Rwanda saw its territory divided between the Belgian Congo (Rutshuru, Nyiragongo, Goma), the British colony of Uganda (Bufumbira, in present-day Kigezi district), and the German protectorate of Rwanda (present-day Rwanda). As proof, many testimonies attest to the fact that the local chiefs of this part of the Congo (not only the Banyarwanda, but even certain Hunde chiefs) paid tribute to the king of Rwanda. Quoting DUBUISSON (DUBUISSON, J., 1935: 62-64), Professor Joseph Nzabandora points out that, “in 1911, the date of the materialization in North Kivu of the borders of the Congo with Rwanda and Uganda in accordance with the tripartite agreements ( Germany, England, Belgium) from Brussels on May 10, 1910, the Catholic missionaries of Rugari were still witnesses of the caravans which transported the tributes to Rwanda. These tributes were made up of a wide variety of products, including various provisions, masses and iron ore, new and worn hoes, spears, knives, bracelets made of raffia vegetable fibers (amatega or ibikaka), honey , ivory tusks, small and large cattle, symbolically loaded wild animal skins, etc. They were transported to Nyanza (Butare) in Rwanda via Bufumbira (south-west Uganda) where found the King's steward". This fact is also reported by E. Hubert, who worked in the 1930s and 1940s for Virunga National Park. He writes, to this effect, that the payment of tribute was extended to the Hunde clan communities located west of Bwisha, that is to say west of the Volcanoes region and south of Lake Edward. Indeed, the information collected in June 1937 from the customary chief Komakoma, "born around 1890 and a descendant of the former Wahunde chiefs", showed that "the populations who occupied the plain south of Lake Edward and the upper valley of the Rwindi during the creation of the Albert National Park owed tribute to the King of Rwanda until the World War of 1914" (HUBERT, E., "The fauna of the large mammals of the plain of Rwindi-Rutshuru (Lac Edouard). Its evolution since its total protection, Exploration of the Albert National Park”, Institute of National Parks of the Belgian Congo, Brussels, 1947.).

Nothing to be ashamed of :

There is nothing to be ashamed of as long as the diplomatic genius of Leopold II has won territories for our country. Moreover, this does not give any right to the current Republic of Rwanda on any part of the Congolese territory, in accordance with the principle of intangibility of borders inherited from colonization adopted by the African Union during the independence of African countries. However, gaining territories implies having also gained the populations that live there. Especially since the Nande, a sub-group of the Bayira people, are themselves from present-day Uganda, a country where some of the members of their ethnic group, the Bakonjo, live in the districts of Kasese kabarole and Bundibugyo. Many of their brothers are known in Uganda: Defense Minister Crispus Walter Kiyonga; the former Chief of Staff of the Ugandan People's Defense Forces (UPDF, the Ugandan army), General James Kazini; MPs Joseph Matte Sibalinghana, Jams Mbahimba and Yokasi Bwambale Bihande; or the talented artist David Bwambale. Second evidence: the identity of the populations found on the spot leaves no room for doubt. Father SMULDERS, Superior of the Mission Tongres Sainte Marie de Rugari, testified in 1911 about the group of Rugari, one of the seven current groups of the territory of Rutshuru: “The populations contain Watutsi and Wahutu. The Watutsi, that is to say the Nobles, are in the minority and do not play the great political role that they play in Rwanda. They are shepherds and owners of cattle. I know two who have 100 to 150 head of cattle (…). The Wahutu also have a few cows that they have the Watutsi take to pasture. They are by no means slaves of the latter and do not pay them tribute. They are content to provide them with food in exchange for milk and butter because the Mututsi do not cultivate”. He also testified for the Gisigari group: “The Kisigale where we have fixed our residence is located in the region of the volcanoes which border it to the North-East and South-East. It touches the Lutari (lava plain) and reaches the Kibumba in the southwest. Politically the country is governed by Lulenga who himself is only a deputy of Ntamohanga, medalist Head of State living in the North-East. The country is very beautiful because of the crops that cover all the hills. To the north as well as to the east and west, the cultivated lands extend to the lava, not a single inch of land which does not claim its owner. The surroundings of Mikeno (extinct volcano) serve as pastures for herds”. (SMULDERS, "Report on the foundation of the Tongres Sainte Marie missionary station in Kivu addressed to His Grandeur Mgr. ROELENS, Apostolic Vicar of Upper Congo. Copy sent to D.G. E. KERVYN by Father O. ULRIX by letter dated Antwerp November 20, 1911". File M.601: Religious Missions. African Archives of Brussels. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Belgium.). Lieutenant A. SPILTOIR, Chief of the Rutshuru Sector, detailed the fundamental identity characteristic of the inhabitants of Bwisha in January 1908 by writing the following: “In a study on the manners of the Bahutu (report of August 1907), I said that the territory is divided, from the political point of view, into chiefdoms, sub-chiefdoms, etc. This information was correct, but the main thing was missing. The country is actually divided into "clans" (mulyango in native) and this division is the only important one. A clan can constitute a large chiefdom. There can also be several clans in a chiefdom. This division into clans is the only one to consider for the different points of view, and it is the one, and the only one, that should be taken into account in the delimitation of indigenous lands as in the impositions.for the natives having always been grouped in this way, it would be a great blow to their customs to act otherwise. In the previous report I said that all property belongs to the Chief. It is a mistake. In reality, the goods belong to the whole clan” (SPILTOIR, A. “Investigation of customs in execution of the decree of June 3, 1906: Territory of Ruzizi-Kivu, Zone of Rutshuru – Beni, Sector of Rutshuru, Race Muhutu, the January 10, 1908". File A.I. (1370). African Archives of Brussels. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Belgium). Dense population After three years of investigation (1904-1906) on the mores of the inhabitants of the Busanza and Jomba groups, located further north in the region of the volcanoes, Lieutenant G.VERVLOET wrote: “…the population (…) is much denser among the Bahutu immediately surrounding the volcanoes. While the latter are more directly under the (political) influence of the Watuzi, they are grouped into fairly large villages. The fields extend very far along the sides of the mountains (…). Beans, peas and castor are stored in large cylindrical baskets 1m50 high by 70 to 80 cm wide, sorghum and unshelled finger millet stored in larger granaries and finally sweet potatoes (VERVLOET, G., "At the sources of the Nile. In the region of volcanoes, Lake Albert-Edouard and Ruwenzori. Rutshuru-Beni area, Belgian Congo", in Bulletin of the Royal Belgian Geographical Society, vol. 34, n °4, 1910, pp. 119). Shortly after, Commander BASTIAN, first Commissioner of the Rusizi-Kivu Territory, pleaded for Belgium to do everything possible to keep this area which risked going, not to Rwanda as many people say out of ignorance. , but to neighboring Uganda. He thus testified on April 23, 1911 that “this region is very populated by former subjects of the Sultan of Rwanda and at their head is Chief Tchicilongo. Cattle are in this region very abundant and cared for by the Watuzi, while the Wahutu dependent on them engage in intensive agriculture on the slopes and at the base of the mountains. In short, a very rich country which it seems to me advantageous to seek to preserve" (Commander BASTIAN, "Letter to the Minister of the Colonies dated Mtoto ya Mongo on April 23, 1911. File AE 346 (281): Settlement of borders with the United Kingdom". African Archives of Brussels. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Belgium).Natives without question It is clear that the Hutu and Tutsi are indeed the natives of Bwisha, in Rutshuru territory. All the testimonies above do indeed describe an indigenous people, with its well-integrated social organization with clans including both Hutu, Tutsi and Twa (as was, moreover, the case throughout pre-colonial Rwanda) , its production process and its economic complementarity, its various leaders, some Hutu and other Tutsi, etc. At the end of the territorial reform of 1920, all the traditional chiefdoms mentioned above were united in the great chiefdom of Bwisha under the leadership of Mwami Daniel NDEZE RUGABO II, a Hutu who governed all his subjects in unity and brotherhood until his death in 1980. This great chiefdom is still led to this day by his direct descendants. This being the case, and although this is of no importance to attest to their autochthony, one can, nevertheless, just for reasons of general culture, ask the question of whether, before their installation in this region, their ancestors came from Rwanda. Here again, the historical truth will surprise more than one. Indeed, it is rather Rwandans, those of the North-West region, in Muti, who were from the current Rutshuru. Pole Institute teaches us that “the lineage formed by the Bakora locates its origin in Gikore in the Ndorwa region located on the border between Rwanda and Uganda, northeast of the Virunga volcanoes. Some families of this lineage emigrated from Gikore to Bwito in Rusthuru, therefore to North Kivu. From there they then populated the localities located in the North-West of Rwanda on the northern shores of Lake Kivu: Muti near the crater of Bunyogwe, Lumbati and Kanama” (Pole Institute, Cross-reviews n°12, “murderous identities, facing to the challenges posed by our psychological and ideological walls”, Goma, 2004). But it is the oldest testimonies of one of the best connoisseurs of the region which confirms it: the members of this lineage "dispersed throughout the region of the volcanoes had also taken the habit of meeting annually, at a day fixed in advance, in Muti. We contributed to the purchase of five or six goats, one of which was offered as a sacrifice to the ancestors of the clan at the meeting place. The others were taken to Bwito in the Belgian Congo and had their throats cut in the Balihira village from where those who came to settle in Bugoyi in the North-West of Rwanda had left” (PAGES, A., “Un kingdom hamite au center of Africa”, Royal Belgian Colonial Institute (I.R.C.B.), Brussels, 1933. P. 668). So, Rwandans come to adore the place of departure of their ancestors in the Congo. So, Rwandans have their historical origin in the Congo and not the other way around!

THE TRANSPLANTS OF MASISI Already, before colonization, the wars of conquest of the Rwandan sovereign Rabugiri had left clusters of his subjects on the territory of Masisi. One of the first explorers of the region, Dr. Richard KANDT, a German explorer who had visited this place in 1899, writes the following: “Here several Watussi visited us, they are kind and simple men but not as handsome or as elegant than those of Urundi and Rwanda, it shows that they have to work. Indeed, here, they are not the sovereigns of the country, but live in isolated villages as cattle breeders next to the first inhabitants who are farmers. (…) In the East, the Watussi live in large numbers as kings and lords (…). In the west, they live isolated or in greater numbers, as in Kischari, but in any case, not as sovereigns” (KANDT, R., “Kaput Nil”, T1, Berlin, 1921, p. 199). Status of Congolese citizens Then, in order to develop the fertile territory of Masisi on the one hand, and to decongest the overpopulated Rwanda on the other hand, the Belgian colonial authority decided to transfer the Rwandan populations to the Congo. It is within this framework that the Banyarwanda Immigration Mission (MIB) was created in 1934 (Congo Fraternité et Paix, “Le Manifeste de la paix en RD Congo”, Kinshasa, 2002). In 1938, the colonial power set up the commission n°128/T.F.R.1 of November 02, which appointed Mr. Etienne Declerk, Deputy Public Prosecutor at the Court of First Instance in Bukavu, as Delegate in charge of negotiating an ACT OF TRANSFER, for the benefit of the Colony, of the rights that the Bahunde customary authorities possessed on a plot of 349.1 km2. Mr. Declerk served as counsel for the Bahunde chiefs. Negotiations were completed in 1939, and on November 13 of that year, the “Indigenous Rights Cession Act” was signed between the colony represented by Mr. Amédée Van Cleemput, Assistant to the Territory Administrator of Masisi, and Bahunde customary authorities represented by Mr. Declerk and Bahunde Grand Chief, Mr. André Kalinda. The price of the territory thus ceded was 35,000 F at the time (Kabuya Lumuna Sando, “Conflits à l’Est du Zaïre”, Kinshasa, 1997, P.P 80-81). From 1930 to 1954, Belgium transferred to Masisi thousands of Banyarwanda Hutus, mostly Hutu, but also Tutsi, who today represent more than 80% of the population of this territory. By carrying out this transfer, Belgium, colonial guardianship of the Belgian Congo and Rwanda-Urundi, granted the new arrivals the status of citizens of the Belgian Congo. Despite several uproars, the DRC has recognized their Congolese nationality, in accordance with nationality law when there is a succession of states. This reality has been observed many times throughout history. For example: the one and a half million South African Indians are the descendants of Indian “indentured labourers” brought from India by the British colonial power to another British colony, South Africa. No mentally balanced South African would ever dare to question their membership in the Rainbow Nation.

Thursday, May 19, 2022

CIA in history

 





M23 claims that FARDC is using militia groups

 The administration


of the Rebel Movement of March 23 informs the public that despite the denunciation and condemnation by the Head of State His Excellency Félix Antoine TSHISEKEDI TSHILOMBO of the alliances maintained by the FARDC with the armed groups, new meetings have took place between the FARDC and the Armed Groups extended to the administrative authorities of Rutshuru territory and the first members of the Armed Groups trained by the FARDC were deployed on the front line this Wednesday, May 18. These are: 01. 60 combatants from the NYATURA-ABAZUNGU Armed Group trained at MPATI, dressed in FARDC uniforms, loaded into Government Army trucks in BURUNGU and taken to Rutshuru territory where they were deployed in BIRUMA; 02. FDLR combatants belonging to Col. RURINDA were dumped in a battalion of the 22nd Brigade led by Colonel MUSHENGEZI and in the 3411th regiment deployed in RUMANGABO led by Colonel OMARI AMURI Léonard and assisted by Colonel TOKOLONGA BENDET Salomon in charge of Operations and Intelligence. It is to this regiment that Major General CHIRIMWAMI entrusted the mission of recruiting the FDLR; 03. FDLR and MAI-MAI combatants recruited in particular in KIRAMA, KAUMIRO and KINYAMUYAGA in the locality of KIBIRIZI were mixed with FARDC units; 04. 120 combatants from the APCLS and NYATURA-DOMI armed groups were also sent to the front line and incorporated into the Government Army; 05. On May 16, 2022, Col. BALINGENE NYOMO Guillaume in charge of operations and intelligence of the 3408 RGT chairs a meeting with Lieutenant-Colonel HABYAKARE, FDLR commander of the CRAP unit (Commando Action and Protection) in BIRUMA in the presence of the Deputy Administrator of Rutshuru Territory, Commissioner DIMUNDU KIASI Blaise. 

When will iphone 14 be out?

 Judging by precedent, the iPhone 14 will launch on a Tuesday in September, and a leaker has now given us a good idea of which Tuesday we should mark in our calendars.


According to the Apple-focused site iDropNews, based on information from its own sources, the Apple September Event in 2022 will take place on September 13 - that's right in the middle of the month, basically when we expected it.


Take this date with a pinch of salt for now, because so far in advance, it's possible that this date is just a placeholder for Apple. The company could push the date for a variety of reasons if needs be - and the leaker might just be wrong. 


The leaker does say that Apple will host one event on the 13th, and it might not be the iPhone 14 launch - but since Apple tends to host its iPhone launches on Tuesdays in September, the timings line up.


The leaker has suggested lots of extra gadgets are coming besides the iPhone 14, though there's nothing mentioned that we haven't heard before. Apparently, there will be four iPhone 14s (the standard model is said to come alongside a Max, Pro and Pro Max version), the Apple Watch 8 alongside an 'Extreme Edition' for more outdoorsy pursuits, the more affordable Apple Watch SE 2, the AirPods Pro 2, and the new iPad (2022).


With all those new products, it's possible that the company will host two launch events like it did in 2020 - then, we saw new iPads and Apple Watches earlier than the year's iPhones. If this happened then September 13 would likely just be for the non-iPhone devices, following the way it happened in 2020, with the iPhone 14 family arriving later.


Since Apple generally announces its launch events a week before they happen, we'll likely have to wait until September 6 to see if something is happening on the 13th - though leakers might tell us what to expect first.

Security iPhone Malware Attackers can Install Malware on iPhone When it is Powered Off.

 




 

The iOS Find My feature has a safety loophole that can lead to infecting the iPhone even if the phone is off.


Academic researchers from the Secure Mobile Networking Lab (SEEMOO) at the Technical University of Darmstadt have identified a unique way of infecting an iPhone by loading malware while the phone is off.


Researchers will present their findings at the ACM Conference on Security and Privacy in Wireless Mobile Networks/ WiseSec 2022.


How does the Attack work?

The attack occurs after tampering with the iOS firmware and loading the malicious software onto a wireless Bluetooth chip with Near-field Communication and Ultra-Wideband. The attacker needs to execute the chip to infect the phone when it is off. The chip continues to operate when the system is off, and the Low Power Mode (LPM) is activated.


While the three wireless chips can facilitate Find My and Express Card transaction features, these can directly access the secure element. Basically, the ultra-wideband (UWB) (supported by iPhone 11, 12, and 13) and the Bluetooth chips are hardwired to the NFC chip’s Secure Element and can easily access confidential data.



“Since LPM support is implemented in hardware, it cannot be removed by changing software components. As a result, on modern iPhones, wireless chips can no longer be trusted to be turned off after shutdown,” researchers wrote in the paper titled “Evil Never Sleeps: When Wireless Malware Stays On After Turning Off iPhones.”


Researchers regarded the LPM feature as Opaque and highlighted that it sometimes fails to initialize Find My ads when the phone is off. Moreover, the Bluetooth firmware is not encrypted or signed.



An attacker can exploit this flaw to execute the malware on an iPhone Bluetooth chip. However, the adversary must possess privileged access. Furthermore, the attacker must communicate to the firmware via the OS, modify its image or obtain code execution on an LPM-activated chip by exploiting another flaw such as BrakTooth to exploit the loophole successfully.


What is LPM?

This feature was introduced in 2021 with iOS 15. It helps the user track lost devices using the Find My network and stays available even when the phone is out of battery power or is off. Before the phone shuts down, a message states the device will remain findable despite being off, and the Find My feature will locate it in case it is lost or stolen. The phone will be accessible when powered off or is in power reserve mode.

Facebook plans the year’s most extensive bulk data deletion, including wiping out users’ location histories.

  


Last year, Facebook decided to shut down its infamous facial recognition system and delete billions of records it collected over the years. Now, the social media giant will stop offering some of its location tracking features by the end of May 2022.


It is worth noting that the features that will be deleted include Time Alerts, Weather Alerts, Nearby Friends, Podcasts, Background Location, and Location History. 


Apparently, these services are being terminated due to ‘low usage’, and users of these services will receive a notification about their imminent shutdown.



Data to be Wiped Out before 31 May

These features will no longer be available from 31 May 2022, and the platform will also stop collecting data for these functions, The Verge has confirmed. The company claims that data associated with all these location tracking tools will be wiped out from its servers.


However, users can still access, delete, or download location data the social network saved prior to 1st August. For accessing the data, users should go to Settings>Privacy tab. All the data collected before this date for these soon-to-be-defunct features would be erased automatically.


Meta’s Statement

According to an email from Facebook owner Meta, the social network has been using poor location-based functions. Hence, they decided to stop offering such functions. The company notified users through in-app prompts and emails and didn’t make public announcements.


The notification received by Facebook users revealed that the social network would shut down features relying on background location tracking, including Nearby Friends, Podcasts, and Weather Alerts.


It is worth noting that Facebook Podcasts were launched just a year before. Yet, Facebook decided to discontinue them and develop additional services. The company will stop offering short-form audio products Soundbites and central audio hub.


This is welcome news for Facebook users. However, it doesn’t mean that Facebook will stop collecting users’ location data because, as per the company’s policy, it will collect the information for ‘other experiences,’ like location check-ins.

Wednesday, May 18, 2022

 

Bi-Weekly Counter-Terrorism Intelligence Brief for East and Central Africa (Somalia, Mozambique, DR-Congo, Tanzania, Uganda): Tracking Islamic State Terrorists In 1st May- 15th May 2022


Bi-Weekly Counter-Terrorism Intelligence Brief for East and Central Africa (Somalia, Mozambique, DR-Congo, Tanzania, Uganda): Tracking Islamic State Terrorists In 1st May- 15th May 2022

INCIDENT REPORT

Mozambique

  • 1st May- a bus ferrying passengers was attacked by militants outside Litingina, 10 km south of Chibau in Nangade. The militants open fired at the bus injuring 3 people.
  • 1st May- 1 person was killed and another injured after the same militants attacked Litingina town.
  • 3rd May- several people were beheaded after insurgents attacked Muhia village located 10 km north of Nangade town, near the Tanzanian border.
  • 6th May- Insurgents attacked Olumbe village, Palma where they threatened the residents to leave and looted food and other supplies.
  • 7th May- insurgents attacked 3 de Fevereiro, just east of Nangade town where they attempted to kidnap a woman and her child.
  • 8th May- insurgents struck the Rovuma village lowlands, capturing several people in fields around Nankuka, and the Nangade district.
  • 9th May- 3 Mozambican soldiers were killed and two others injured and their barracks were torched in Quiterajo in the Macomia district.

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO

  • 06th May- a Congolese military barrack in Lomi village, Beni was attacked, the soldiers fled and the militants razed it after seizing weapons and other supplies.
  • 07th May- 1 Christian was killed, several others injured, and 3 motorbikes burned by militants who attacked them with machine guns on the road linking Bolongo and Kasindi in the Beni region.
  • 8th May- ISCAP and a Congolese patrol clashed at Kikinji village in Beni where 3 soldiers were killed and the weapons and ammo seized.
  • 9th May- ISCAP ambushed a Christian convoy and razed 9 trucks and a passenger bus, on the Komanda – Mambasa Highway in Ituri.
  • 10th May- local militia allied to the Congolese troops was attacked in Mbonji, Ituri province by ISCAP where at least 13 members were killed and several others injured.
  • 10th May- 3 people were killed and at least 9 vehicles burned following an attack by ISCAP in Kundala Kundala village located between Komanda and Mambasa, Ituri province.
  • 12th May- a joint barracks for the Congolese-Ugandan forces were attacked with automatic weapons, which led to the killing of 1 dead and several wounded. The militants then seized machine guns, RPGs, and ammunition.

SOMALIA

  • 02nd May- 1 Somali police officer was killed and 5 others injured after a hand grenade was hurled at a patrol in the Dar As-Salaam neighborhood in Mogadishu.

NOTABLES

In Mozambique, SAMIM forces have reportedly failed to respond, even when insurgents came within 2 km of their positions, especially in Nangade where cases of kidnappings and beheadings have resurged. This apparent and continued lack of action has further undermined public confidence and trust in the SAMIM operation to protect civilians. The allied forces continue to be accused of not doing enough to fight the militants as they appear to have adopted a deterrence-oriented approach other than a full-blown attack tactic against ISCAP.

Intelligence further reveals that Rwandan troops who are usually responsible for Palma and Mocímboa da Praia districts have recently expanded their area of operation to intervene in Nangade to pursue the insurgents. The arrival was marked by a reported surrender of an unspecified number of militants from different backgrounds. The RDF also reportedly killed over 10 militants who were hiding in a local businessman’s house which has put further strain on the network of the insurgency that has been wreaking havoc in the areas in the last few weeks.

The Islamic State (ISIS-Central) claimed the attack citing that it was conducted by the ‘Wilayah Mozambiq’ making it the first time the ISCAP branch in Mozambique has been referred to as such since it swore its allegiance to ISIS.

President Museveni said Uganda is providing some logistical support to Mozambique to fight the insurgents but noted if need be, UPDF would be deployed. He however said that despite that he would only send the troops to Cabo Delgado upon the resolution of the conflicts already in East Africa, especially in Somalia and DR Congo.

In DRC, human rights organizations have started pressuring the government to end the siege that has installed military rule in North Kivu and Ituri Provinces as the civilians have been experiencing numerous injustices. The siege that has been in place since last year has failed to achieve its purpose and as such partners have urged the government to explore alternative ways to end the senseless killing of civilians by the ever-evolving ISCAP.

A three-day joint UPDF-Congolese CT campaign led to the recapture of Mwenda village which is a strategic, logistical, and habitat for a huge ISCAP encampment. The operation was led by the 1st Battalion of Mountain Division that had been advancing towards Mwenda and reports indicate that at least 35 ISCAP militants were neutralized in the operations. Mwenda has been the home base for the militants since the November bombardments and the entry of the UPDF in Beni and as such the recapture is a significant achievement in the fight against the jihadists. Mwenda had become a haven for the militants and has been used to launch numerous attacks in Beni, North Kivu province, especially in the Rwenzori sector.

 


At least 40 Islamic State Central Africa (ISCAP) insurgents surrendered to a military position and turned themselves in Namiune, Nangade District. Intelligence indicates that they approached a farmer in the area handing him a handwritten letter outlining their intentions to surrender after which they marched hands up and without weapons.

The militants in the region have been suffering major losses and the latest entry of the Rwandan forces ISCAP has been feeling the pressure as they continue suffer losses and operation incapability.

Bernardino Rafael, the General Commander of the Police of the Republic of Mozambique (PRM) in his most recent in Macomia extended amnesty and reintegration into society for any militants that surrendered. He urged the families and friends to persuade the jihadists to come in and they would be deradicalized without punishment and allowed to rejoin the community.

The amnesty offer has worked in other countries like Somalia where al Shabaab militants surrender their arms and are rehabilitated before being allowed back into society. The amnesty program has proven effective especially targeting youth that were either coerced, kidnapped or those that changed their stance after seeing the terror group’s activities.

The surrender is a very positive sign of the effectiveness of the current CT operations and will be instrumental in undermining both the recruitment of new members as well as morale of existing terrorists. Despite the various challenges, the allied troops (SAMIM-RDF-FADM) have been exerting pressure on the terror organization and such occurrences show progress is being made towards eradicating the militancy in Cabo Delgado.

 

Rising Al-Shabaab Attacks Prompts Pentagon’s Decision to Redeploy US Special Forces to Somalia


Rising Al-Shabaab Attacks Prompts Pentagon’s Decision to Redeploy US Special Forces to Somalia

The rising Al-Shabaab attacks in Somalia has prompted Pentagon to make a decision to redeploy the US Special Forces back to the war-torn country.

In the recent weeks, Al-Shabaab has escalated coordinated attacks on military positions especially in central and southern Somalia, with a deadly operation being recorded on March 3rd, for El Baraf in Middle Shabelle region where scores of ATMIS-Burundian troops were killed and base overrun by the Al-Qaeda aligned militants.

Last year, before leaving office, the former President Donald Trump signed an order authorizing the repositioning of the US troops and now the current US President Joe Biden has been convinced to reverse that decision, thus decision to reinstate troops to Somalia.

Latest reports indicate that on Monday 16th, President Joe Biden authorized the deployment of the fewer than 500 troops to the East African country battling with rising extremist insurgency. The troops will establish a small presence in Somalia in an attempt to better target Al-Shabaab and its leaders and that of the group’s senior commanders/leaders.

Referencing Pentagon sources on condition of anonymity, the decision to redeploy the Special Forces was occasioned by the growing Al-Shabaab threat which could further destabilize the country. Throughout the elections period, the Al-Qaeda associate militant group has managed to wage deadly attacks, mainly targeting security forces, senior government officials and innocent civilians.

The newly elected President of the Federal Republic of Somalia Hassan Sheikh Mohamud thanked and appreciates Biden for authorizing the deployment of American troops to Somalia underscoring that the US has always been a reliable ally in the fight against terrorism and quest for the stability of Somalia.

Galmudug police release names of Ahlu Sunna Wal'jamaa criminals





 Galmudug Police officials have released the names and photos of 36 highly wanted people identified by the Galmudug administration as criminals and are said to be members of the Sufist militia, Ahlu Sunna Wal’Jamaa. 

Among the 36 named people is the leader of Ahlu Sunna Wal’amaa (ASWJ) Sheikh Mohamed Shakir Ali Hassan, who alongside 35 followers have been accused of inciting violence in Dhusamareb and Guri’el, leading to the displacement of civilians.

Fighting erupted in Dhusamareb, the capital of Galmudug state on Friday after the moderate militia attacked the town resulting in the killing of several people, including government soldiers. Calm was restored after Galmudug forces backed by SNA engaged the militants in an hours-long battle.

Galmudug police spokesman Nur Elmi has called on neighboring states and internal security agencies to help in nabbing the criminals who have wreaked havoc in the region. 

Galmudug has had its share of violence in the recent past, with Al-Shabaab on one side and  ASWJ on the other side, a situation which calls for the Galmudug administration and the Federal Government to act fast before the state is left at the mercy of the two menacing groups.