General Olivier Gasita,the new commander of operations in Manyema /kindu region as Congolese remain annoyed accusing him of abandoning Bukavu during the M23 attack

 

How can General Olivier Gasita, who was commander of operations in South Kivu when the city of Bukavu fell, now be appointed commander of the Maniema/Kindu region?He was recently summoned to Kinshasha where he was given the new appointment.

Congolese  say that As commander of operations, he should have been summoned to explain why the city of Bukavu was abandoned three days before the arrival of the RDF/M23 forces. Then they'll say tribalism.

Was he rewarded for preventing the soldiers from fighting, or what really happened? 

Who is General Gasita?

He was Lt Gen Pacifique Masunzu's former deputy during his Mai Mai-led rebellion against RDF-RCD forces (2000–2002), Olivier Gasita, has been promoted to Brig Gen and appointed to South Kivu and Maniema, where he will oversee operations and intelligence under the 33rd Military Region.

Like Pacifique Masunzu, Olivier Gasita is a Munyamulenge from South Kivu who fought against RDF-RCD forces before integrating into FARDC in 2003. He also took part in operations against RDF-CNDP (2006  to 2009) under FARDC command.

Olivier Gasita was the military administrator of Yumbi Territory and is credited for bringing peace to Yumbi between the Batende and Banunu communities. He was deployed there as a military sector commander to stop the intercommunal massacres in December 2018.

In 2019, President Félix Tshisekedi appointed him as the military administrator of Yumbi Territory. He has left Yumbi as one of the safest territories in DRC.

The Wazalendo recapture Rugezi,a big lesson and reason to reckon on!

Good morning, good evening, depending on what time you're listening. A decisive turning point has just occurred in South Kivu. The strategic village of Rugezi, the gateway to the last stronghold of the Twirwaneho and their allies, has been recaptured by the Wazalendo with the support of the FA-RDC air force. This victory, the result of a fierce battle, highlights the determination of Congolese patriots in the face of Rwandan aggression and its proxies.

But beyond the military feat, a fundamental question now faces President Félix Tshisekedi: how far will he go to defend the sovereignty of the DRC? And where does he place his true red line with Kagame and the RDF? It is this burning and vital question that we will explore in this analysis.

Rugezi: A Parable of the Congolese Resistance

In this landlocked village in Fizi territory, the people, through their sons and daughters united under the banner of the Wazalendo, have shown that the DRC is not a land abandoned to the appetites of Kigali. The intense and prolonged fighting revealed not only the ferocity of the Twirwaneho, Ngumino, MaiMai Android, and Red Tabara coalition militias, but also their fragility in the face of a popular will united with the regular army.

Rugazi, due to its geographical location, constitutes a strategic barrier providing access to the high plateau of Minembwe and the rear areas of the strongholds of these armed groups. Its recapture therefore marks a military and psychological shift, likely to precipitate the fall of several of Kagame's auxiliary networks.

Local accounts describe a battle that lasted nearly 24 hours, punctuated by repeated assaults and violent retaliation. But the tactical superiority provided by the FA-RDC air force turned the tide. For the first time in a long time, the Rwandan reinforcements, who had attempted to establish a solid defensive line, were decimated in considerable numbers. This demonstrates that, with a combination of popular courage and modern military means, the aggressor is not invincible.

The AFC/M23's angry statement denouncing the attack only confirms the extent of their setback.

A military victory... but a political test

This victory raises a broader, political question that transcends the battlefield: what is Félix Tshisekedi's real red line? For months, Kigali has been multiplying its provocations, advancing its pawns in North and South Kivu, and attempting to manipulate public opinion with the tired argument of protecting local populations.

For now, Kinshasa has oscillated between occasional military responses and diplomatic appeals. The people's patience is eroding. In the streets of Bukavu, Goma, and Kinshasa, a cry is rising: "Mr. President, how far will you let Kagame trample on our territory?"

For many Congolese, the red line has already been crossed: the three-year occupation of Bunagana, massacres in Kishishe, abuses in the Hauts Plateaux, systematic infiltration of the local administration... Each time, the people see the enemy advancing, testing, and nibbling away, while international appeals are limited to verbal condemnations.

The recent history of the DRC, since the 1996 invasions, shows a consistent pattern: Kigali advances as long as Kinshasa hesitates. To ask Tshisekedi about the red line is to invite him to transform Rugezi's one-off victory into a national strategic doctrine.

The Wazalendo: Symbiosis between Army and People

The Battle of Rugezi also illustrates the central role of the Wazalendo. These patriots, drawn from civil society, villages, and towns, fight without regular pay and often with rudimentary resources. Yet, they embody the anger and resilience of a people who reject humiliation.

Their alliance, sometimes spontaneous, with the FARDC demonstrates that national defense can no longer be solely a matter for the general staff. Through Rugezi, a lesson in popular sovereignty is being given. But it is also a warning: if the political authorities delay in clearly drawing their red line, the people risk taking it upon themselves, with all the risks of anarchy that this entails.

Tshisekedi Faces His Historic Dilemma

Félix Tshisekedi is therefore faced with a crucial choice:

• Persist in an approach of diplomatic restraint, at the risk of seeing Kagame consolidate his positions and trivialize the occupation of Congolese territory.

• Cross the line, declare a clear and irrevocable red line, trigger a total mobilization of the nation, and put an end to the ambiguity.

In the history of great nations under attack, this moment of truth always occurs: France in 1940 against Germany, Angola against South African apartheid, Burkina Faso today against terrorism. The DRC has reached its moment of reckoning.

Rugezi must not remain an isolated episode. It must become a symbol, a rallying cry, proof that victory is possible. But for this to happen, we need:

• A clear political vision,

• A coherent military doctrine,

• And above all, a President who fully assumes his responsibility as Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces.

The Red Line: A Sovereignty Issue

What, Mr. President, is your red line?

• Is it Bunagana, Goma, occupied Bukavu?

• Is it Minembwe liberated?

• Is it the RDF's advance to the outskirts of Bukavu?

Or is it, as some fear, a shifting line, retreating according to diplomatic pressure and compromises imposed by the major powers?

If Tshisekedi wants to be remembered as the President who restored Congo's sovereignty, he must transform Rugezi's victory into the starting point for a total reconquest, and not just a blip.The red line he draws—or refuses to draw—will determine the future of Congo and the image he leaves in history.

M23 and Wazalendo clashes in Kibanda today morning

 Clashes between AFC/M23 rebels and the Wazalendo resumed this Friday, August 29, in Kibanda in the Osso Banyungu sector of Masisi territory in North Kivu. 

Since  morning , detonations of heavy and light weapons have been heard in the combat zone.     

According to our sources in the area, it was the third consecutive day of fighting between the belligerents. This situation  created a panic among the residents who were beginning to return to the villages in the Waloa Yungu group, close to the combat zone, to prepare for their children's return to school.

 The security situation remains unclear as the fightings continue.

Our sources located in that area told us that the battle began  27/08/2025, where they fought until nightfall and and  morning 28/08/2025, they fought again.

Our sources also confirmed that the Wazalendo had badly damaged the RDF-M23/RED  in the Twirwaneho/MaiMai Rushaba/Twirwaneho/FNL Nzabampema camp and the Wazalendo had already captured the main strongholds of the RDF terrorists in the Rugezi area.

Reliable information has been received from our sources confirming that in yesterday's battle, 8 RDF-M23/Twirwaneho/Maimai Rushaba/RED Tabara/FNL Nzabampema terrorists were killed and 15 were injured with the battle that contained in Bikarakara.

In these fightings ,many prominent Banyamulenge soldiers are allegedly reported to have been killed in unclear circumstances.

A case of Brigade commander Muhirwa Mustapha, son of Mushapa, a Basinzira resident, was reportedly killed last in the fighting in Rugezi by what they say is FAKE DRONE attack.

One resident in the area has this to say;

"Imagine these DRONEs targeting the Basinzira family only because his death was allegedly caused by him telling Col Sematama that he had betrayed his colleague, Col Makanika.

He was killed by his own people because he had been at odds with Col Sematama for days because Col Mustapha had told Col. Semata without hesitation that he was the one who betrayed Col. Makanika."

This is Col. Mustapha wa RDF / Twirwaneho / Maimai Rushaba Red Tabara / M23 / Fnl He was allegedly killed by tCol. Charles Sematama on blames that he assertively told Col. Sematama Charles That He was one who betrayed Col.Michel Rukunda Makanika.You should  know that this Col.Mustapha was the a close relative of Col. Michael Rukunda Makanika who was  also killed.

The Battalion  commander,Major MUGENZA OF RDF / Twirwaneho / Red Tabara was also killed in these fights .

We  have learned that the days ago ,he and Mustafa told Col. Sematama that he betrayed Col. Makanika.

 MAJOR MUGENZA  was also a close relative of COL.RUkunda MICHEL MAKANIKA.

An ADF incursion on oicha-mamove road

An ADF incursion was reported in a neighborhood on the outskirts of the Beni territorial capital, in Oicha, on the Oicha–Mamove road, on the afternoon of August 26, 2025, during heavy rain.

Faced with this attack, the population was forced to move in the pouring rain.

This incursion comes as the Military Governor of North Kivu, Major General Somo Kakule Evariste, is on a working trip to Oicha to address issues related to the previous ADF attack.

He is accompanied by several elected national and provincial deputies from North Kivu.

Is Prime Niyongabo planning to overthrow president Ndayishimiye?

 

In the GreatLakes region, a rumour of a vast conspiracy is reportedly brewing. Burundian General Primé Niyongabo, allegedly in conjunction with the RPF 🇷🇼 and Congolese officers 🇨🇩, is reportedly aiming to overthrow Ndayishimiye 🇧🇮 and Tshisekedi.

⚔️There are some rumours that In SouthKivu (Uvira, Fizi, Mwenga), Burundian soldiers 🇧🇮 are cooperating with:

👉 RDF/M23

👉 Red Tabara

👉 Twirwaneho

👉 FNL Nzabampema

There is circulating  Sensitive rumour that Some Burundian units have reportedly voluntarily ceded positions to the rebels (RDF/AFC/RED Tabara/M23/Twirwaneho/FNL Nzabampema).

 This plan is allegedly attributed to Primé Niyongabo and officers linked to former President Joseph Kabila, could destabilize the entire region. Burundi and DRC .

Violent clashes as M23 attempts to take on Uvira!

 

Fierce clashes between M23 and Wazalendo in the Burhinyi chiefdom, rebels are attempting to advance towards the city of Uvira

These clashes have been taking place since August 13 between M23 rebels and their allies and self-defense groups known as Wazalendo in the Burhinyi chiefdom, Mwenga territory. The fighting, which began in the village of Kigube, quickly spread to several surrounding towns, plunging the civilian population into a new spiral of fear and displacement.

According to local sources, the hostilities successively spread to Luhindi, Muhuzi, Kangovwa, and Nyabaleke. The rebels then reportedly attempted to cross the Lulindi River, despite the destruction of the bridge connecting Luhindi to the Itombwe sector. Forced to cross on foot, they advanced to the village of Matundu, where they were violently repelled by the Wazalendo.

Witnesses report that several M23 fighters were killed during these clashes. However, rebel reinforcements have reportedly continued to arrive for the past two days, maintaining strong military pressure in the area.

The fighting then split along several fronts. One rebel group is carrying out attacks in the village of Lubumba, while another is attempting to control the center of Kachoka. At the same time, a group composed mainly of Twirwaneho militiamen and FNL/Zabampema elements, who came from the Uvira highlands via Muranvya, is also fighting the Wazalendo in the village of Nabombe.

Exchanges of fire continue in these areas, and the situation remains extremely volatile. According to several security observers, the rebels are now surrounded by the Wazalendo. If their reinforcements were to weaken, they could suffer heavy losses. But if not, a breakthrough would allow them to advance towards the strategic city of Uvira and extend their advance towards the territories of Mwenga, Fizi, and Shabunda.

In the meantime, the civilian populations in these areas live in terror, forced into hiding or fleeing, while the fighting continues to threaten the stability of South Kivu.

Meanwhile, the Congolese army issued a statement denouncing the ceasefire violated by the rebels, and also accused the army of violating it.

How long will Uvira hold on??? How determined is M23 to take on Uvira??

 

Our HUMINT and OSINT collections on the situation around Uvira:👇👇👇👇👇👇👇👇

By Friday evening,Col. Gakufi of the Twirwaneho/FNL Nzabampema had already arrived in the Uvira territory, Bijombo groupement in Murambya-Kanogo, with several soldiers. He had an objective to take them to Rurambo-Kahololo.

Other information circulated claiming that Col. Gakufi was sent with several soldiers and that after their escort, another attack plan against Uvira and Bujumbura by first taking on the road leading to Ruhuha, Rubarati, and Malimba.

According to their statements, Kivu Morning and journalist Steve Wembi apparently stirrred confusion in the population.They claimed that Bibangwa, Manassé Muller Ruhimbika's village, was under AFC/M23 control.

In reality, Bibangwa is held by the FDNB and local self-defense groups.

In the Kigoma groupement, particularly in Mulenge 1, Mulenge 2, and Lemera, the population remains vigilant, but there has been no mass displacement.

Here again, the clashes mainly involve the Wazalendo against the Burundian FNL militiamen of Nzabampema.

An influential member of the UCAC supports Chief Tete Amisi's version: their forces retain control of several villages around Muranvya and Kageregere, in order to limit the advance of the Twirwaneho.

Some sketches from which we sorrounded some of The Facts

1. This Saturday, the AFC_M23_Twiraneho coalition killed two police officers in the Itombwe sector in Mwenga territory, including the Commander under Ciat Itombwe.

2. The M23 rebels and their allies took away a pastor from the church and two other local residents on Saturday before their release this Sunday, August 24, our local source confirms.

3. The M23 and its allies, coming from Muranvia in the Bijombo group, passing through Kyanzovu, settled in Namaramara in the Basimukinji 2 group, a four-hour walk from Lubumba.

4. A small group of the AFC-M23-Twirwaneho took control of a Asange sub-village in the Lubumba locality, the capital of the Basimukinji 2 group, in the Itombwe sector.

Finally, why include Rugezi in these stories? This village is located well outside the areas mentioned, and there is no justification for its inclusion in this confusing narrative.

What is certain, however, is that the M23/RDF is indeed continuing its push towards Itombwe, gradually placing the Mwenga highlands in its sights.

☑️☑️☑️Situation on the Uvira Saga from the local communities:👇👇👇👇👇👇👇

CLARIFICATIONS ON THE HOAXES AROUND UVIRA, MWENGA, AND FIZI

For several days, rumors have been circulating about the alleged encirclement of the city of Uvira. This type of talk should not be taken lightly: when a group begins to spread this type of information, it is often a sign of real intent behind the words.

It is therefore urgent that the government intervene to put an end to these manipulations.

On August 23, 2025, the Kivumorning post stirred up social media by announcing that the villages of Lubumba, Kitoga, Bibangwa, Kageregere, and Masango had allegedly fallen under the control of the M23/RDF.

A careful verification of the facts reveals a completely different version.

DENIAL FROM THE BIJOMBO GROUP LEADER – MASANGO VILLAGE

When asked about this, the Bijombo groupement leader was clear: Masango was never conquered. He calls these allegations pure fabrication.

The reality on the ground is different: in Masango, the Burundi National Defense Forces (FDNB) and the wazalendo of the UPCB, led by Ilunga Rusesema, are providing the military presence.

On the Malimba side, there are Jean Nalube's UCAC fighters, also supported by elements of the FDNB.

Some accounts report a furtive passage by the M23/RDF through Lubumba, but without occupation.

However, several sources close to the self-defense groups categorically deny this account. They claim that the ongoing fighting is rather between the Wazalendo and Aloys Nzabampema's Burundian FNL militiamen, linked to the Red Tabara movement and supported by Rwanda.

THE KITOGA CASE

Regarding Kitoga, the residents of Uvira themselves refute the idea that it was taken by the M23/RDF. No sign of such a presence has been observed.

Version of the Uvira Saga from the armed men on Frontline:

Violent clashes between the Wazalendo and the M23-RDF-TWIRWANEHO-Red Tabara coalition raged today, Sunday, August 24, in Lubumba.

With the intervention of Burundian militias led by the warlord Nzabampema (FNL), elements of the M23-RDF-TWIRWANEHO coalition managed to escape into the Matundu forest (equatorial rainforest).

Nzabampema and some elements of the Twirwaneho-Red Tabara intervened to free their brothers who had nowhere to flee, but despite this, the clashes continue, and the Wazalendo are determined.

NB: The information from the Rwandan digital army that they have surrounded the town of Uvira and that there is only one way out is false. The city of Uvira borders Burundi, starting at Lake Tanganyika and ending at Katogota.

That is, the territory of Uvira is located:

- To the east by Burundi

- To the west by the Mitumba mountain range (High and Middle Plateaux)

- To the south by the Fizi territory and

- To the north by the border town of Kamanyola because the territory of Uvira is limited to Katogota.

Now, which side of the city of Uvira are the M23 occupying to celebrate the victory or the fall of the city of Uvira?

Let us pray for Uvira!

The Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF) and the South Sudan Peoples’ Defence Forces (SSPDF) have reaffirmed their commitment to working together

 The Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (UPDF) and the South Sudan Peoples’ Defence Forces (SSPDF) have reaffirmed their commitment to working together in

addressing recent security incidents along the shared border.

This was during a high-level meeting held at the Defence and Intelligence headquarters in Mbuya, co-chaired by the UPDF Commander Land Force, Lt Gen Kayanja Muhanga, and the SSPDF Chief of Defence Forces, Gen Dau Aturjong Nyuol.

The meeting followed an invitation from Uganda’s Chief of Defence Forces, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, to his South Sudanese counterpart after his recent visit to Juba, where he met President Salva Kiir.

Discussions focused on strengthening cooperation and security measures along the Uganda–South Sudan border.

Speaking on behalf of Gen Kainerugaba, Lt Gen Muhanga highlighted the longstanding ties between the two armies. “All the struggles in the past that the SPLA went through, we were together. Even here in Uganda, during our struggles against the rebels of Joseph Kony, the South Sudan Defence Forces stood with us,” he said.

Addressing the recent border tensions, Lt Gen Muhanga stressed dialogue over confrontation. “We need to approach this maturely and solve this problem. I am confident our discussions will find a remedy for the misunderstandings, which are not between the two governments nor the two armies,” he added.

Gen Nyuol, delivering greetings from President Kiir, reiterated South Sudan’s commitment to joint action. “Joining hands in joint operations will maintain security. Even the spoiler will not be given room to cause havoc to our local population along the border. We will come out with something that can rescue the security and let our people live in good harmony,” he said.

Several senior officers arrested in an investigation into the Congolese army's defeat in the east against the AFC-M23.

Several senior officers to be interdicted or arrested in an investigation into the Congolese army's defeat in the east against the AFC-M23.There are 41 Military and Police Officers Summoned by the Army Inspectorate General.

The Inspectorate General of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) has summoned 41 senior army and police officers as part of a fact-finding mission aimed at shedding light on the military setbacks suffered in the east of the country since the fall of Bunagana in 2022.

According to an official document consulted, this Wednesday, August 20, these officers are being questioned by the FARDC Inspectorate General. The objective is to analyze the management of military operations and determine possible responsibilities in the successive loss of several strategic locations in North and South Kivu.

Among the officers concerned are former chiefs of staff, operations commanders, heads of military regions, and heads of specialized services.

These include Army General Christian Tshiwewe Songesha (former Chief of the General Staff), Major General Sylvain Ekenge (Commander of SCIFA), Lieutenant General Fall Sikabwe (former Commander of Operations in North and South Kivu), and Major General Obed Rwibasira (Commander of the CGEM).

Several officers still in office are also involved, including Major General Ephraïm Kabi Kiriza (Commander of the Republican Guard), Major General Deogratias Lukwebo (Commander of the Rapid Reaction Troops), and General Jean-Claude Singa Bungiena (Commander of the Military Services).

This initiative comes amid criticism of the conduct of military operations, marked by the loss of ground to the Rwandan-backed M23/AFC rebellion.

The hearings aim to identify flaws, correct errors, and restore the Congolese army's credibility on the front lines.

M23 opens several fronts in katungutu,muhuzi and kizuka of Uvira and mwenga territories.

 

Violent clashes between the M23-AFC coalition and the Wazalendo raged this Tuesday, August 19, on several front lines, including Katungutu and Muhuzi in the highlands and middle plateaus of Uvira territory and in Kizuka in Mwenga territory.

According to HUMINT collections from the society,On Sunday, the wazalendo in Lulenge and Kipupu had been warned to close the road to the Equatorial Forest because the M23/RED tabara/Twirwaneho enemies who are in Mwenga -Muhuzi wanted to use this road to attack Kipupu and then go to Minembwe to plan an attack to attack Uvira-Fizi and Bujumbura.

According to reports from the frontline, the three battalions led by Colonel Ndabagaza, which have moved up to the highlands to bypass the town of Uvira through the Mitumba ranges, are coming under fire from the Wazalendo.

They have made several attempts to break through towards Minembwe, where the Twirwaneho-Réd Tabara are based, but without success.

They are suffering from tense Wazalendo strikes, resulting in several deaths on the M23-AFC-RDF coalition side.

Belgium foreign Minister expected in Kinshasha this week

Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot will travel to the DRC this week as part of a four-country tour of Central and East Africa. He will be in Kinshasa on Tuesday and then travel to Lubumbashi on Wednesday to visit a subsidiary of Gecamines, a partner of Umicore Group in germanium processing.

ADF kills more Congolese! why does the world watch as ADF massacres innocent civilians???

At least 45 people were killed in a new attack attributed to ADF rebels in the Bapare sector last Thursday. The deadliest incident took place in the village of Melia, where 32 civilians died. According to local authorities, the attackers massacred the victims—including women and children—using machetes and hoes.

They were killed in a double attack carried out by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebels in the Bapere sector, in Lubero territory Read more here (North Kivu). The events took place between August 13 and 14, 2025.As we had reported earlier.

The sector leader and local civil society representatives confirmed this death toll during a telephone interview this ended Saturday, August 16.

"We confirm that there was an ADF attack in the aforementioned group. There are deaths and missing persons. Security services are still working in the area, pursuing the attackers. We will get back to you with the final death toll soon," said Bapere sector leader Macaire Sivikunulwa.

For his part, Samuel Kagheni, president of the Bapere civil society, denounced the death toll as too high and provided more details on the affected villages.

"In the village of Emelia, the ADF executed 32 people. In Ekenge, four more people lost their lives. Far away, in Mutaweza, six civilians perished. These villages are located north of Manguredjipa, more than 60 kilometers away. We ask the relevant authorities to see how to put an end to this barbarity that is causing mourning in the Bapere sector. We also call on the government to support the security forces in this area with personnel and ammunition so that the ADF phenomenon can be brought to an end," he said.

This human rights defender also calls on the National Defense Ministry to relocate the armed groups calling themselves "Wazalendo," as some of them are allegedly causing confusion and collaborating with the rebels.

For,some past days,the civilians had been making alerts of movements of unknown people whom they suspected to be the terrorists,why should civilians make alert to the authorities in DRC and no action made,what does it show....there is evidence as said by one FARDC spokesperson that some civilians aid the terrorists,why can't they weed out such elements???

To me,as someone who has been reading and following much about the attrocities of these terrorists,I call upon,CDF Muhoozi to make more deployments to hunt these terrorists,and many will not care about the noise made about the UPDF's involvement in this Part of DRC..what we need is peace ,and as president Museveni once said,you cannot have a good sleep if your neighbor is under attack.

...For God and My Country....

Was the Australian aircraft on reconnaissance mission?

The sound of aircraft was heard on the evening of Saturday, August 16, over Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, under the administration of the M23-AFC rebel movement.

This overflight has raised many questions, as the city's international airport has remained officially closed since the movement entered the city.

Around 8:52 p.m. local time, a military aircraft was spotted in the skies over Goma, according to several witnesses on the scene.

This information was confirmed by the air tracking app FlightRadar24, which indicates that it appears to be an Australian Army C-130J Super Hercules military aircraft, arriving from Accra, Ghana.

"This is indeed an Australian military aircraft coming from Accra that has just crossed the skies over Goma," said a source close to the M23-AFC, speaking on condition of anonymity.

According to the data consulted, the aircraft was flying over the city at high altitude, with no landing signal. The engine noise, unusual since the airport closure, was clearly heard in several neighborhoods, rekindling speculation about a possible logistics or reconnaissance operation.

Another local security source who requested anonymity also confirmed the aircraft's passage.

"This type of overflight is extremely rare, especially given the current tense situation in Goma. The airport closure does not technically prevent overflights, but it remains unusual," she said.

Since taking control of the city in early 2025, the M23-AFC has banned all civil and military air traffic without express authorization. No official response has yet been issued by the M23-AFC authorities following this incident.

As a reminder, the airspace over the city of Goma, the capital of North Kivu, was suddenly overflown during the night of Tuesday to Wednesday, July 2, by an unidentified aircraft.

Will Uvira survive the anticipated multi faceted attacks???

 

In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in South Kivu, in the Mwenga territory, there are numerous RDF/M23/RED TABARA rebels.

As I wrote yesterday , four battalions of RDF-M23/RED/Twirwaneho  advanced towards Rurambo .

According to reliable information, these RDF-M23/Twirwaneho/RED are camped in the Mwenga territory, Lwindi chiefdom, in the Kigogo groupement, in an area called Cigubi. This area is located in a forest zone. Furthermore, Cigubi is rich in precious stones, particularly cassiterite, and a quarry for precious stones, such as cassiterite, has been built (Cigubi is located between Muhuzi and Lwindja).

Let us recall that these RDF-M23/RED are accompanied by a Mufurero named MaiMai Gatare Rushaba, brother of the late Mushombe.

Let us also recall that this MaiMai Rushaba Gatare and RED Tabara, destroyed, killed, pillaged, and even dispersed the Banyamulenge.

These  are camping in Cigubi, and their alleged plan is to head towards Rurambo, in Uvira territory, establish a rear base there, and then attack Uvira and Bujumbura.

Col.Gakufi of RDF/M23/Twirwaneho/RED Tabara/Twirwaneho left Minembwe last night with many soldiers heading to Uvira territory in Bijombo groupement.

Reliable information confirms that before Col.Gakufi left Minembwe, an ambulance vehicle carrying a lot of ammunition preceded them, this ambulance vehicle being a Minembwe general hospital vehicle driven by a driver named Irakoze.

Reliable information confirms that Col.Gakufi headed to Uvira territory in Bijombo groupement to launch attacks on FARDC government troops and Burundian government troops (FDND).

Other reliable information confirms that Col.Mitabu of RDF-M23/ Twirwaneho/RED Tabara in Mikenge is preparing to launch an attack at a place known as Point zero in a camp of Abafurero people.

Colonel Georges Nzibarega, commander of the Burundian brigade operating in the Uvira highlands, sent two battalions into Mwenga territory, in an area called Muhuzi, to block the enemy's route. The two battalions arrived on site after only two (2) months of presence. They opened the gates to allow the RDF-M23/RED Tabara/Twirwaneho to enter.

At the time of writing, reliable information confirms that the RDF/M23/RED-Twirwaneho camp has entered the center of Muhuzi.

It should be noted that Muhuzi is very close to Rurambo in Uvira territory, as it takes three hours to walk from the center of Muhuzi to Rurambo.

New ADF attack in Mayi Moya, three civilians killed

 

The ADF struck again on Wednesday, August 13, in Mayi Moya, Beni territory. Around 7:05 p.m., assailants from the eastern part of the town attacked the Kitsanga neighborhood, killing three men, setting fire to a shop after looting it, and taking domestic animals.

Located about 40 km north of Beni, Mayi Moya has been living in fear for three days, with rebels moving through the Bambuba Kisiki group, putting an end to several months of calm.

Is M23 planning to lay multiple attacks to siege Uvira? Or march for Bufumbira?

 

Colonel Ndabagaza, who had defected and joined the M23-AFC-RDF coalition, has just moved to the highlands of Uvira territory along the Rurambo axis with his battalion.

According to intelligence aand other rumours from Wazalendo;

He moved to the highlands towards Rurambo with two other battalions led by two other Rwandan colonels.Generally, three Rwandan army battalions led by three colonels have just moved to the highlands of Uvira territory along the Rurambo axis.

The Wazalendo are saying "According to the information we have, they are heading towards the highlands of Uvira-Fizi and Itombwe territories".

They have received information that General NGOMA NZITO, who was holding the belt in the HIGH and MIDDLE PLATEAUS of the territory of Uvira-Fizi and Mwenga, has descended into the Ruzizi plain, they have just reinforced in the HIGH PLATEAUS so that they can carry out attacks by descending towards the town of Uvira and Baraka/Fizi and head directly towards the Burundian capital/Bujumbura.

Intelligence collections about these reinforcements:

Reliable information confirms that at 5:00 pm on 13/8/2025, 15 vehicles containing 4 battalions of RDF/M23/RED/Twirwaneho soldiers arrived at the kaziba. Upon arrival, the RDF/M23/RED/Twirwaneho soldiers got out of the vehicle and went up two roads, some headed towards Rurambo, while others took the road called Ngeweshi, where they could flee to Muhuzi.The RDF-M23/RED/Twirwaneho soldiers who are in the mountains above Kaziba and Ngweshi in an area called (Chigubi) and have already killed 15 civilians and burned down the houses of the local population. Their plan is to establish a rear base in Rurambo-Kahololo and then attack Uvira and Burundi - Bujumbura.

Of these, 4 battalions, 2 came from Cyangugu - Kamembe, 1 came from Katana near Kavumu and another one came from the city of Bukavu.

Among those we were able to identify who led these battalions is Col. Zimurinda who leads the battalion from Katana, Col. Ndababagaza Oscar who leads the battalion from Bukavu, and the 2 battalions from Kamembe are allegedly led by Rwandan colonels. We will tell you their names in a moment.

Companies that allegedly deal in minerals from the war torn Kivu!Will the sanctions stop the war??

 

The Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has suffered almost three decades of war. Militia groups control valuable coltan and cassiterite mines, financing conflict through illegal taxation and forced labour. On 12 August 2025, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned the Congolese militia PARECO‑FF, the Hong Kong traders East Rise Corporation Limited and Star Dragon Corporation Limited, and the Congolese cooperative Cooperative des Artisanaux Miniers du Congo (CDMC).

The sanctions marked the first time Washington targeted a network linked directly to Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame. Drawing on the sanctions report, the United Nations’ 2025 Group of Experts final report, and other investigative sources, this article exposes how Rwanda-backed groups profit from conflict minerals, the human toll on Congolese communities, and why the sanctions matter.

1. Kagame-M23-PARECO‑FF Nexus: control of Rubaya’s coltan

M23 and PARECO‑FF take over the mines

Rubaya in North Kivu province produces roughly 15 % of the world’s coltan, a critical mineral used in smartphones and electric cars. PARECO‑FF (“Coalition des Patriotes Résistants Congolais‑Force de Frappe”) emerged in 2022 and quickly seized Rubaya’s mines. According to the U.S. Treasury, PARECO‑FF controlled the mining sites from 2022 to early 2024 and generated revenue by collecting illegal fees, imposing forced labour, and executing civilians. The militia imposed taxes on diggers and workers and smuggled minerals through “opportunistic relationships” with other armed groups, including the Rwanda-backed March 23 Movement (M23).

The United Nations’ Group of Experts report shows that in April 2024, M23 seized Rubaya from PARECO‑FF. M23’s political commissioner, Erasto Bahati, oversaw the site and instituted a complex taxation system, hand‑picking traders and expelling diggers who resisted. Local observers reported that M23 negotiated a share of coltan with PARECO‑FF before ousting them, indicating collusion rather than rivalry. M23 also used forced labour (called salongo) to build a road from Rubaya through Mushaki, Kitshanga, and Tongo to the Rwandan border; this road enabled smugglers to transport coltan to Rwanda.

Human rights abuses and tax schemes

Sources, including Al Jazeera and Global Witness, describe M23’s brutal governance. UN experts found that M23 taxed up to 120 tonnes of coltan per month, generating approximately USD 800,000. Traders interviewed by Global Witness said M23 demanded a 15 % tax on the selling price. The militia enforced forced labour at mining sites and executed civilians who defied orders.

The United Nations report documents large‑scale looting: M23 “systematically looted more than 500 tonnes of tagged and untagged 3T minerals,” smuggling 186 tonnes to Rwanda. 

In March 2025, trucks moved 195 tonnes of minerals across the border at night. During the same period, an estimated 7,000-12,000 Rwandan troops fought alongside M23 in North and South Kivu, contributing to mass displacement. The human cost is staggering: the International Organization for Migration counted 6.9 million internally displaced people (IDPs) in DRC by 2023, with 5.6 million in the eastern provinces and up to one million in North Kivu alone.

2. Follow the money: from Rubaya to Hong Kong via Rwanda

CDMC and the Hong Kong front companies

The U.S. Treasury sanctions reveal a chain of custody: PARECO‑FF and then M23 exploited Rubaya’s minerals; the Cooperative des Artisanaux Miniers du Congo (CDMC) operated the largest concession and purchased minerals smuggled from armed‑group areas. CDMC then sold minerals to Hong Kong-based East Rise Corporation Limited and Star Dragon Corporation Limited. These companies were designated by the U.S. for materially assisting CDMC’s illicit trade; their owners remain unnamed.

Global Witness found that once minerals reach Rwanda, they are sold to Rwandan exporters such as African Panther Resources. In 2024, the company’s exports surged, and the Luxembourg-based trader Traxys became almost the exclusive buyer. Traders said African Panther purchased large quantities of smuggled coltan; M23 demanded a 15 % tax from sellers. Because Rwanda is an EAC member, its exports enjoy preferential access to European markets. The report notes that Rwanda’s official coltan exports doubled from about 1,000 tonnes in 2023 to 2,000 tonnes in 2024, far exceeding the country’s production, evidence of massive laundering.

Rwanda as a smuggling corridor

M23’s control of border cities such as Bunagana and Kitshanga gave it a monopoly over smuggling routes. The UN report noted that “smuggled minerals were laundered through Rwanda, mixed with local production and exported,” undermining legitimate trade. 

Reuters quoted UN experts who observed 195 tonnes of coltan crossing into Rwanda in one week. Roads built with forced labour allowed M23 to move convoys of 4–5 vehicles carrying up to 5 tonnes each; locals described 120‑tonne convoys heading to Rwanda monthly. Once in Rwanda, minerals were re‑labelled and shipped to processing hubs in the United Arab Emirates and China before ending up in Western supply chains

3. Kagame’s corporate shield

Rwanda’s government denies any involvement. Yet, evidence shows that President Paul Kagame’s regime profits whether PARECO‑FF or M23 controls the mines. PARECO‑FF initially opposed M23, but both groups channelled minerals through Rwanda. The U.S. Treasury described PARECO‑FF’s “opportunistic relationships” with M23, and the IPIS article reports that M23 negotiated coltan shares with PARECO‑FF before seizing Rubaya.

Rwanda uses state-linked companies as a corporate shield. African Panther Resources, partly owned by Rwandan military figures, purchases coltan from CDMC and M23-affiliated traders; its exports soar when conflict intensifies. Through East Rise and Star Dragon in Hong Kong and Traxys in Luxembourg, the minerals enter global markets. Because Rwanda’s official exports appear legal, international buyers seldom ask questions. The sanctions signal that Washington intends to pierce this shield and cut off the revenue streams that finance Kagame’s regional dominance.

4. Human cost and global tech demand

A crisis measured in lives, not tonnes

The conflict has devastated communities across eastern Congo. Since the M23 offensive resumed in late 2023, more than 3,000 people have been killed and 2,800 injured, according to humanitarian agencies. Over 237,000 people were newly displaced in early 2025 alone, and by late 2023, the total number of internally displaced persons had reached 6.9 million. Many families live in makeshift camps or host communities, lacking food, shelter, or healthcare. Women and children face sexual violence and exploitation.

Tech supply chains soaked in blood

Coltan is essential for capacitors in smartphones, laptops, and electric vehicles. The DRC produced about 40 % of the world’s coltan in 2023, yet its people see little benefit. Miners often work under armed-group control, earning less than USD 2.15 per day. Rwanda’s export revenues help fund infrastructure and social services at home, while Congolese communities suffer. Meanwhile, Western consumers remain largely unaware that their devices may contain minerals taxed by militias. The supply chain’s opacity allows corporations to claim due diligence even when minerals originate in conflict zones.

5. U.S. sanctions as a turning point

The August 2025 sanctions are significant because they target not only an armed group but also the companies facilitating the trade. By sanctioning PARECO‑FF, CDMC, East Rise, and Star Dragon, the U.S. is sending a warning to Rwanda and international traders that the illicit coltan network is under scrutiny. Under the sanctions, any U.S. person or company that deals with these entities risks heavy penalties.

Although OFAC does not expressly name Rwanda, the designations implicitly acknowledge Kigali’s role. The sanctions may deter legitimate corporations from purchasing minerals through Rwanda and could encourage the Congolese government to regain control of its mining sector.

However, sanctions alone cannot end the conflict. The Great Lakes region has seen numerous peace deals and embargoes over the past three decades, yet armed groups continue to thrive. True change requires a combination of regional diplomacy, economic reform, and accountability for war profiteers. The UN‑facilitated peace agreement signed on 27 June 2025 between Rwanda and the DRC offers a framework, but its success depends on enforcement. Civil society organisations have called for mandatory supply‑chain transparency laws and for tech companies to support conflict‑free sourcing.

Conclusion

The U.S. sanctions of 12 August 2025 expose a complex network linking President Kagame’s government, M23 rebels, PARECO‑FF militia, Congolese cooperatives, and Hong Kong traders. 

Control over Rubaya’s coltan has shifted from one militia to another, but the victims remain the same: Congolese miners forced to dig under threat of violence and communities uprooted by war. The minerals that power the world’s tech devices are soaked in their blood. 

The sanctions are a step toward accountability, but only sustained international pressure and regional cooperation can dismantle the war‑profiteering machine and bring peace to the eastern Congo.