Tuesday, June 23, 2020

DLL; vulnerability in Trend Micro Password

Tempest’s Consulting Team, has detected a vulnerability in Trend Micro Password Manager. It enables a privilege escalation that grants NT AUTHORITY_SYSTEM (user who has full local privilege) to whomever exploits it through a Hijacking DLL.
In the following text, we will briefly present some basic concepts on the subject, as well as the demonstration of this vulnerability in Trend Micro Password Manager
DLL (Dynamic Link Library)
According to Microsoft’s documentation, a Dynamic Link Library is a binary module that has a set of functions and data that can be used by other binary modules — that is, a set of functions and data that can be used by another DLL or an executable.
A feature of DLL functions is that they do not inherit the permissions set in the Access Control List (ACL) of the uploaded files when they are imported. However, they usually inherit the permissions of the process that imported them.
The import of a DLL can be performed through the functions
LoadLibrary() and LoadLibraryEx() . If the absolute file path is not provided, Windows will by default use the natural resource of the DLL search order find the unloaded module. This search order is performed in the following directories, consecutively:
1. The directory from which the application was loaded;
2. The system directory;
3. The 16-bit system directory;
4. The Windows directory;
5. The current working directory (CWD);
6. The directories that appear listed in the PATH environment variable.
However, there are several ways to change the search order of a DLL. Microsoft’s documentation, Load Library Safely , can be found for more details on the topic.
The fact is that if the loading of a DLL is implemented insecurely, an attacker can take advantage of the search order to perform an attack known as Hijacking DLL. To do this, the attacker just inserts a malicious DLL with the same name as the one requested, in a previous directory in the search order.
Trend Micro Password Manager
Trend Micro Password Manager is a software that can be installed together with Trend Micro Maximum Security.
During an analysis of the operations performed during the start-up of the operating system, it was possible to detect that the Trend Micro Password Manager Central Control Service , through its main process PwmSvc.exe, is responsible for creating a new process called
certutil.exe , which aims to manipulate Firefox browser certificates. The following image illustrates the creation of this process:
Right after this creation, certutil.exe inherits the privileged user permissions and tries to load several DLLs, among them, the
nssckbi.dll located inside the Firefox browser profile folder:
The security problem of this import performed by the certutil.exe process focuses precisely on the excessive permissions of the directory, considering that it is inside the profile folder of the user in use (C:Users\usertest). To test whether the process would actually import a DLL into the indicated directory, even if it is not signed, a DLL was designed to write the author of the action — user name — to a text file. As can be seen in the image below, the DLL has high privilege on the machine:
Thus, one can conclude the existence of two vulnerabilities through the actions described above:
1) The DLL was being imported from an improper location;
2) The signature verification was not being performed.
When contacted, Trend Micro claimed that the vulnerability in question was present in the NSS tools module of the Firefox browser. Firefox, on the other hand, replied that it did not recommend the commercial use of its browser; stating that it was a test tool. However, after a more refined analysis, Trend Micro not only accepted the vulnerability, correcting it, but also generated a thank you note and a CVE assignment. In addition, more recently, the company released another note, where it reports the change in the Common Vulnerability Scoring System — CVSS severity assignment. The vulnerability in question had been considered by them to be of medium severity, but ended up being recognized as of high severity.

Banyamulenge students denounce the repeated attacks of the refugee camps harbouring the Banyamulenge

Students from the Banyamulenge community in South Kivu gathered in the Ubumwe and humura dynamics call on the provincial authorities to protect over 1.000 displaced people from their community, victims of repeated attacks on the of site.
In a statement made Monday, June 2020, 22, they call on the provincial authorities to punish the perpetrators of repeated attacks against the Banyamulenge.
" We were about to organize a march on Monday to denounce repeated attacks against the Banyamulenge displaced in Mikenge. Within a month, this site was attacked 3 times and during these attacks several people were injured and property looted ", they said.
These students regret to see that a woman injured in these attacks has died from her hospital injuries.
They promise to organize a march to denounce these attacks soon.

In this same area,prisoner are about to perish in cells due to hungerMore than 90 inmates from the central prison of Kamituga, in the territory of Mwenga in South Kivu, are in danger of death due to lack of food.
The last food grant from the authorities was last March says Richard,, director of this prison house.
He says that inmates are at risk of dying because they do not have food and no medicine.
" Here we have nothing as a grant. We got the last grant last March. We are having a lot of trouble. Inmates don't have food and they don't have medicine ", he said.
Richard, also points out that inmates live this last time only donations from some Christians from churches in Kamituga.
He also reports that several inmates suffer from contagious diseases.
It should be noted that, on Friday, April 24, an inmate died following the famine at the Central Prison.

DRC's Covid19 case close to 6000!

The multisectoral committee against coronavirus in the DRC reports, in its daily newsletter of Monday, June 22, 102 new cases confirmed to the pandemic, including 84 in Kinshasa, 15 in Central Kongo and 3 to The Tshopo.
With these new additional cases, the DRC has exceeded 6000 infections  since the beginning of the disease on March 10th.
The response committee newsletter says no new cases of death have been recorded and 5 people were declared healed on that same Monday day. The total is 135 deaths (one likely) and 861 healed.
The 12 provinces affected are: Kinshasa (with alot of cases up to 5000), Central Kongo (285 cases), Haut-Katanga (183 cases), South Kivu (108 cases), North - Kivu (65 cases), Tshopo (6), Kwilu (3 cases), Ituri (2 cases), High (1 cases), Haut-Lomami (1 cases), High-level Uele (1 cases) and Ecuador (1 cases).

Another Congolese sentenced to 3years of hard labor as police hunts for Jeannot Muhima who escaped from a clinic where he was recieving treatment,He had been sentenced earlier on Saturday




Jeannot Muhima, one of the convicts of the 100-day trial, escaped from Clinic, he is wanted by the national police.
From the hospital where he was admitted yesterday for a faked heart problem Jeannot Muhima escaped from the De Ngaliema Clinic, a mandate was issued for his immediate arrest, with this escape Jeannot Muhima has just complicated the call of the condemnation of 20 years of his friend vital Kamerhe.


In its judgement delivered this Tuesday, June 2020, 23, the Court of Appeal of Kinshasa / Gombe sentenced to 3 years of forced labor the directors-general of the National Road Maintenance Fund (FONER), Fulgence Bamaros and the Office of Roads and Drainage (OVD), Benjamin Wenga for $ 12.500.000 for road works in the cities of Goma and Bukavu in the so-called "100-day" trial.
The Director General of the Congolese Construction Society (SOCOC), Modest Makabuza, has been given a year of forced labor for the same grievance.
All convicts are deprived of the right to vote and the right to vote for 5 years after the execution of their sentence.
They are forced to pay the sum, equivalent in Congolese francs, of $ 10 million of the damage to the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Yesterday,MONUSCO fell in an ambush by ADF rebels

Ugandan rebels from the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), had laid a trap along the Beni-Kasindi road on evening of Monday, June 22, 2020 in the village of Makisabo, on the Beni-Kasindi road (territory of Beni) in North Kivu. This new trap targeted a convoy  of blue helmets(MONUSCO).
According to the civil society delivered the news to a news outlet in DRC, the soldiers of the peace who fell into the ambush were coming back from Hululu for Beni after construction of a bridge in this part.
Roger Masimengo, civil society reporter in this part talks about a death and the missing on the side of the soldiers of peace. It also confirms that blue helmets vehicles have also been damaged. Exchange of shots between the two parties that lasted a few minutes caused psychosis among the inhabitants of makisabo, and around. Some have even taken the option to move night fear for their safety.
It should be noted that this ambush is the second tense by ADF rebels in this community in less than a week. The latter had already 20 June set another life-trap for two civilians and two burned vehicles.

Kahinda Otafire and his journey in the liberation wars.

Sometime in 1972, when I was in my first year at Makerere University, a group of ex-students at the University of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania including Yoweri Museveni, Mwesigwa Black and others contacted us.
I remember that the late Kisimba Matsiko, who was president of the National Union of Students of Uganda (NUSU), initiated me into student activism. Our mission was to fight Idi Amin. Mind you, Amin had actually not done anything bad to me personally. But as a student activist, I just did not like him. The fellow was so bad that he left you no option not to hate him.
His functionaries were arresting people, throwing them in car boots, people were disappearing and the economy was in shambles with no sugar, nothing at all. Besides, the man’s way of doing things was tomfoolery and he was such a buffoon. There was no government—just a bunch of buffoons marauding around.
Actually, nobody recruited me into the struggle against Idi Amin. I did not have to be recruited. I was a student political activist all along and we were excited about democracy, freedom and equality. We read books and got all these ideas.
My first contact with Yoweri Museveni was when he was working in president’s office in the early 1970s because he used to come around. At the time he was preparing to run against John Babiiha in Ankole, we used to listen to his speeches.
Later, I was to work more closely with him when he had gone into exile in Tanzania. I started recruiting people for FRONASA (Front for National Salvation) between 1974-76. I am therefore one of the founding fathers of FRONASA.
However, between 1974-75, FRONASA run into difficulties when our comrades were executed publicly in several towns in the country. I used to go to Tanzania as someone who was participating in the war, but I was based mainly here in Uganda.
In 1976, we reorganised. I was elected to the national executive of FRONASA as treasurer and we spent the whole of 1976 and 1977 re-organising and recruiting from all over the country. That is how I ended up recruiting the late Fred Rwigyema, Ivan Koreta (Maj. Gen) and many others. I did not go into exile, but remained here doing coordination work, which was basically intelligence work until the war of liberation in 1978-79.
After the war, I joined the Foreign Service and was posted to Beijing, China as second secretary. But the way the politics were going here, we could see that we were headed for a second confrontation.
In July 1980, I quit Beijing to come and participate in the elections, which were scheduled for September 1980. They did not take place as earlier planned and instead took place in December 1980.
Of course Milton Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) rigged and so we decided to re-launch the struggle. We decided to fight the government of the day because we did not feel that the problems of Uganda were being addressed. Yes, Amin had gone, but the situation was not different. Clearly, the question of democratisation, of security for people and property and many other issues were not addressed. We could see that we were in the same circus as before. We therefore decided to embark on an armed struggle again.
I personally did not join the bush war until June 1981. In January1981, I had been sent to do some mobilisation work in the southwestern region.
While I was busy mobilising, the Obote forces tried to arrest me and I went underground for three months from March until I linked up with bush war colleagues at the end of May and then joined them in Matugga in June 1981. I joined when they were a small group.
Coping was not a problem because I had done some bit of training and when I joined, I embarked on further military training. Then, at the end of July 1981, I was appointed the chief political commissar for the army.
My job was teaching political education, army discipline and then mobilisation of the population. Later on, I was appointed NPC (National Political Commissar.)
As NPC, my job involved a combination of responsibilities dealing with the army and then the population as a whole. As a method of having the population participate more actively in their self-governance and to actively participate in the war effort, we organised the population in the liberated territories into RCs.
The genesis of the RC system was actually the war. The system’s key objective was to mobilise the population to support our cause, co-operate with the army and actively participate in protecting the population.
Organising peasants was not difficult because (as you may know) they may not be educated, but they are not stupid. When you explain and remind them about their interests, they will fight for them.
The majority of the population actually appreciated our role because they were tired of bad governance, undisciplined armies and so on. From our conduct of the war and our politics, the population saw hope for the future and anticipated the redemption of their country.
They quickly realised that our army was exemplary, while our politics and our line of argument were correct. We stood for national unity, for democracy, for equality and we were for justice for all. You find all the principles we fought for contained in our ten-point programme. But I must emphasise that the discipline of our army set us apart. Ugandans had never seen such a situation where armed people did not have rights to anything. I consider the discipline of our army to have been the linchpin of the struggle.
As the war progressed, we always made it clear to the population that our war was not a partisan one. It was for everybody. We had all political opinions participating in the war. Therefore, we had to adopt a minimum programme, which rallied everybody.
Since we were multi-ideological, we wanted a minimum programme for the restoration of peace in the country. We therefore came up with a programme on which everybody was agreed. Everybody agreed that we needed democracy, security, national independence, a good national economy, redress of previous mistakes and so on.
These are the general issues on which we were all agreed and they formed the ten-point programme. As NPC and a member of the high command, I was part of the process to form the ten-point programme. I, however, cannot put a date when it was formed because it was a result of a series of meetings throughout our stay in the struggle.
Our political and military leadership used to sit together regularly to think out these issues, write them down and review them. By the end of the liberation struggle, we had eventually come up with our minimum programme.
But in every struggle, you always get some problems with people who get discouraged and always see dark clouds hanging over their heads.
One would be foolish not to anticipate such a situation. We had ups and downs with some people turning against us and others giving up, but it was anticipated and we knew how to deal with it.
At times when things got difficult getting food, I would also act as the quartermaster general. This was a difficult task particularly around 1983 when we hardly had any food.
During the first phase of the struggle, we had no problem with food because the area we were operating in was richly endowed. It was not until about 1983 when we retreated from he heavily populated areas of Bulemezi into Singo and Ngoma that we started depending on only meat.
For several soldiers, meat alone without starch was quite difficult to accommodate. Some of our people fell sick and died because of lack of carbohydrates. It was such a tough endeavour to get them cassava, potatoes and other carbohydrate foods.
This meant that sometimes, we had to make incursions into enemy territory. Otherwise, the rest of us were depending on meat. The situation lasted for about nine months. After that, things changed and then we started gaining the upper hand in the war.
For the most part of 1984, we concentrated on training and consolidating our held positions. Then in April 1985, we decided to open up the western front. We divided the army into the mobile brigade under Salim Saleh and the western axis under Fred Rwigyema. At this time, I was still national political commissar and a senior member of the high command.
But before we opened the western front, we had a battle at a place called Kembogo in Singo, Luwero district in June 1985. About 78% of the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) participated in that battle. We defeated them and they dispersed. From what happened during that battle, I could easily discern that we had won the war. The UNLA army was badly dispersed and I knew there was nothing else they could do. During that battle, the commander actually surrendered. We had won many battles before, but after this particular one, I knew that was the end of the war.
In fact, I remember telling Generals Saleh and Rwigyema after that battle that the next thing we were going to hear would be a coup d’etat against Milton Obote. Indeed in July 1985, Obote was overthrown by his Generals Bazilio Olara Okello and Tito Okello Lutwa.
By the time Obote was overthrown, we had taken almost all the western region. After the Kembogo battle, there was a rebellion within the UNLA.
It is after that decisive battle that we decided to reinforce the Western front under Rwigyema. As they moved towards the Rwenzoris, I stayed behind in the mobile brigade commanded by Salim Saleh.
Thereafter, what followed were the failed peace talks in Nairobi. We could see the peace talks not withstanding the test of time because clearly, Tito Okello was not in charge. The rogue elements of the UNLA were still in charge of the army and Extra-judicial killings were still going on.
So, it did not make sense to us to participate in the regime of the day. We therefore decided to terminate the life of the government in January 1986. As we advanced to the western and central region, my job was to ensure the smooth administration of more than half the country’s territory under our control.
I also served as some kind of foreign affairs minister organising with the Kigali government to ensure that they gave our people safe passage because that was the only exit route out of the country.
This was quite difficult because there were no telephones. President Juvenile Habyarimana was not friendly to us either, but he had nothing to do because we had cut off his supply route when we blocked Katonga.
It was in his interest to work with us so that Katonga reopens sooner. He was also clever enough to realise that we were going to seize power and would be the next government.

Do you know who isCOMMISSIONER of prisons ;JOHNSON BYABASHAIJAH


Byabashaijah was born in a humble family of a teacher in Rukungiri in 1957.
He attended Nyakishenyi, Kamwezi,Mukyayi primary school, Mutorere S.S in Kisoro before joining Makerere College for A-level. He later went on to study Veterinary Medicine at Makerere University where he graduated in 1982 and later pursued a Post-graduate Master of Science at the University of Glasgow which he completed in 1986
He joined Uganda Prison services in 1983 .
“Uganda was in a dark period of its history. There was no hope for short term improvement. I searched for a job where I was allowed to carry a gun to protect myself,” Byabashaija.
"The army created camps which they subjected to military control and subsequently abuse, Civilians outside the camps were presumed to be guerrilla sympathisers and were treated accordingly. Farms were looted as owners were killed. Practicing veterinary medicine upcountry was dangerous,” Byabashaija
“There was a war raging in in Luweero Triangle, a place where all the country’s cattle were. That is where one aspired to work. At that time if you had no gun you were nothing. I can assure you, it had never occurred to me previously that I would one day join the armed forces.”
“I applied and was admitted as a cadet in the Uganda Prisons Services in 1983,” he says. Serving under the UPS, he could now comfortably practice veterinary medicine at the prisons farm in Kigo on Entebbe Road
"I worked myself up in the service. For five years I was the deputy officer in charge at Kigo, after which I served for eight years as officer in charge at Kigo Prison. I was then moved to prisons headquarters,”
In 2005, Byabashaija was appointed as the Commissioner General of Uganda prison Service