Belgium foreign Minister expected in Kinshasha this week

Belgian Foreign Minister Maxime Prévot will travel to the DRC this week as part of a four-country tour of Central and East Africa. He will be in Kinshasa on Tuesday and then travel to Lubumbashi on Wednesday to visit a subsidiary of Gecamines, a partner of Umicore Group in germanium processing.

ADF kills more Congolese! why does the world watch as ADF massacres innocent civilians???

At least 45 people were killed in a new attack attributed to ADF rebels in the Bapare sector last Thursday. The deadliest incident took place in the village of Melia, where 32 civilians died. According to local authorities, the attackers massacred the victims—including women and children—using machetes and hoes.

They were killed in a double attack carried out by the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) rebels in the Bapere sector, in Lubero territory Read more here (North Kivu). The events took place between August 13 and 14, 2025.As we had reported earlier.

The sector leader and local civil society representatives confirmed this death toll during a telephone interview this ended Saturday, August 16.

"We confirm that there was an ADF attack in the aforementioned group. There are deaths and missing persons. Security services are still working in the area, pursuing the attackers. We will get back to you with the final death toll soon," said Bapere sector leader Macaire Sivikunulwa.

For his part, Samuel Kagheni, president of the Bapere civil society, denounced the death toll as too high and provided more details on the affected villages.

"In the village of Emelia, the ADF executed 32 people. In Ekenge, four more people lost their lives. Far away, in Mutaweza, six civilians perished. These villages are located north of Manguredjipa, more than 60 kilometers away. We ask the relevant authorities to see how to put an end to this barbarity that is causing mourning in the Bapere sector. We also call on the government to support the security forces in this area with personnel and ammunition so that the ADF phenomenon can be brought to an end," he said.

This human rights defender also calls on the National Defense Ministry to relocate the armed groups calling themselves "Wazalendo," as some of them are allegedly causing confusion and collaborating with the rebels.

For,some past days,the civilians had been making alerts of movements of unknown people whom they suspected to be the terrorists,why should civilians make alert to the authorities in DRC and no action made,what does it show....there is evidence as said by one FARDC spokesperson that some civilians aid the terrorists,why can't they weed out such elements???

To me,as someone who has been reading and following much about the attrocities of these terrorists,I call upon,CDF Muhoozi to make more deployments to hunt these terrorists,and many will not care about the noise made about the UPDF's involvement in this Part of DRC..what we need is peace ,and as president Museveni once said,you cannot have a good sleep if your neighbor is under attack.

...For God and My Country....

Was the Australian aircraft on reconnaissance mission?

The sound of aircraft was heard on the evening of Saturday, August 16, over Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, under the administration of the M23-AFC rebel movement.

This overflight has raised many questions, as the city's international airport has remained officially closed since the movement entered the city.

Around 8:52 p.m. local time, a military aircraft was spotted in the skies over Goma, according to several witnesses on the scene.

This information was confirmed by the air tracking app FlightRadar24, which indicates that it appears to be an Australian Army C-130J Super Hercules military aircraft, arriving from Accra, Ghana.

"This is indeed an Australian military aircraft coming from Accra that has just crossed the skies over Goma," said a source close to the M23-AFC, speaking on condition of anonymity.

According to the data consulted, the aircraft was flying over the city at high altitude, with no landing signal. The engine noise, unusual since the airport closure, was clearly heard in several neighborhoods, rekindling speculation about a possible logistics or reconnaissance operation.

Another local security source who requested anonymity also confirmed the aircraft's passage.

"This type of overflight is extremely rare, especially given the current tense situation in Goma. The airport closure does not technically prevent overflights, but it remains unusual," she said.

Since taking control of the city in early 2025, the M23-AFC has banned all civil and military air traffic without express authorization. No official response has yet been issued by the M23-AFC authorities following this incident.

As a reminder, the airspace over the city of Goma, the capital of North Kivu, was suddenly overflown during the night of Tuesday to Wednesday, July 2, by an unidentified aircraft.

Will Uvira survive the anticipated multi faceted attacks???

 

In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in South Kivu, in the Mwenga territory, there are numerous RDF/M23/RED TABARA rebels.

As I wrote yesterday , four battalions of RDF-M23/RED/Twirwaneho  advanced towards Rurambo .

According to reliable information, these RDF-M23/Twirwaneho/RED are camped in the Mwenga territory, Lwindi chiefdom, in the Kigogo groupement, in an area called Cigubi. This area is located in a forest zone. Furthermore, Cigubi is rich in precious stones, particularly cassiterite, and a quarry for precious stones, such as cassiterite, has been built (Cigubi is located between Muhuzi and Lwindja).

Let us recall that these RDF-M23/RED are accompanied by a Mufurero named MaiMai Gatare Rushaba, brother of the late Mushombe.

Let us also recall that this MaiMai Rushaba Gatare and RED Tabara, destroyed, killed, pillaged, and even dispersed the Banyamulenge.

These  are camping in Cigubi, and their alleged plan is to head towards Rurambo, in Uvira territory, establish a rear base there, and then attack Uvira and Bujumbura.

Col.Gakufi of RDF/M23/Twirwaneho/RED Tabara/Twirwaneho left Minembwe last night with many soldiers heading to Uvira territory in Bijombo groupement.

Reliable information confirms that before Col.Gakufi left Minembwe, an ambulance vehicle carrying a lot of ammunition preceded them, this ambulance vehicle being a Minembwe general hospital vehicle driven by a driver named Irakoze.

Reliable information confirms that Col.Gakufi headed to Uvira territory in Bijombo groupement to launch attacks on FARDC government troops and Burundian government troops (FDND).

Other reliable information confirms that Col.Mitabu of RDF-M23/ Twirwaneho/RED Tabara in Mikenge is preparing to launch an attack at a place known as Point zero in a camp of Abafurero people.

Colonel Georges Nzibarega, commander of the Burundian brigade operating in the Uvira highlands, sent two battalions into Mwenga territory, in an area called Muhuzi, to block the enemy's route. The two battalions arrived on site after only two (2) months of presence. They opened the gates to allow the RDF-M23/RED Tabara/Twirwaneho to enter.

At the time of writing, reliable information confirms that the RDF/M23/RED-Twirwaneho camp has entered the center of Muhuzi.

It should be noted that Muhuzi is very close to Rurambo in Uvira territory, as it takes three hours to walk from the center of Muhuzi to Rurambo.

New ADF attack in Mayi Moya, three civilians killed

 

The ADF struck again on Wednesday, August 13, in Mayi Moya, Beni territory. Around 7:05 p.m., assailants from the eastern part of the town attacked the Kitsanga neighborhood, killing three men, setting fire to a shop after looting it, and taking domestic animals.

Located about 40 km north of Beni, Mayi Moya has been living in fear for three days, with rebels moving through the Bambuba Kisiki group, putting an end to several months of calm.

Is M23 planning to lay multiple attacks to siege Uvira? Or march for Bufumbira?

 

Colonel Ndabagaza, who had defected and joined the M23-AFC-RDF coalition, has just moved to the highlands of Uvira territory along the Rurambo axis with his battalion.

According to intelligence aand other rumours from Wazalendo;

He moved to the highlands towards Rurambo with two other battalions led by two other Rwandan colonels.Generally, three Rwandan army battalions led by three colonels have just moved to the highlands of Uvira territory along the Rurambo axis.

The Wazalendo are saying "According to the information we have, they are heading towards the highlands of Uvira-Fizi and Itombwe territories".

They have received information that General NGOMA NZITO, who was holding the belt in the HIGH and MIDDLE PLATEAUS of the territory of Uvira-Fizi and Mwenga, has descended into the Ruzizi plain, they have just reinforced in the HIGH PLATEAUS so that they can carry out attacks by descending towards the town of Uvira and Baraka/Fizi and head directly towards the Burundian capital/Bujumbura.

Intelligence collections about these reinforcements:

Reliable information confirms that at 5:00 pm on 13/8/2025, 15 vehicles containing 4 battalions of RDF/M23/RED/Twirwaneho soldiers arrived at the kaziba. Upon arrival, the RDF/M23/RED/Twirwaneho soldiers got out of the vehicle and went up two roads, some headed towards Rurambo, while others took the road called Ngeweshi, where they could flee to Muhuzi.The RDF-M23/RED/Twirwaneho soldiers who are in the mountains above Kaziba and Ngweshi in an area called (Chigubi) and have already killed 15 civilians and burned down the houses of the local population. Their plan is to establish a rear base in Rurambo-Kahololo and then attack Uvira and Burundi - Bujumbura.

Of these, 4 battalions, 2 came from Cyangugu - Kamembe, 1 came from Katana near Kavumu and another one came from the city of Bukavu.

Among those we were able to identify who led these battalions is Col. Zimurinda who leads the battalion from Katana, Col. Ndababagaza Oscar who leads the battalion from Bukavu, and the 2 battalions from Kamembe are allegedly led by Rwandan colonels. We will tell you their names in a moment.

Companies that allegedly deal in minerals from the war torn Kivu!Will the sanctions stop the war??

 

The Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has suffered almost three decades of war. Militia groups control valuable coltan and cassiterite mines, financing conflict through illegal taxation and forced labour. On 12 August 2025, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned the Congolese militia PARECO‑FF, the Hong Kong traders East Rise Corporation Limited and Star Dragon Corporation Limited, and the Congolese cooperative Cooperative des Artisanaux Miniers du Congo (CDMC).

The sanctions marked the first time Washington targeted a network linked directly to Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame. Drawing on the sanctions report, the United Nations’ 2025 Group of Experts final report, and other investigative sources, this article exposes how Rwanda-backed groups profit from conflict minerals, the human toll on Congolese communities, and why the sanctions matter.

1. Kagame-M23-PARECO‑FF Nexus: control of Rubaya’s coltan

M23 and PARECO‑FF take over the mines

Rubaya in North Kivu province produces roughly 15 % of the world’s coltan, a critical mineral used in smartphones and electric cars. PARECO‑FF (“Coalition des Patriotes Résistants Congolais‑Force de Frappe”) emerged in 2022 and quickly seized Rubaya’s mines. According to the U.S. Treasury, PARECO‑FF controlled the mining sites from 2022 to early 2024 and generated revenue by collecting illegal fees, imposing forced labour, and executing civilians. The militia imposed taxes on diggers and workers and smuggled minerals through “opportunistic relationships” with other armed groups, including the Rwanda-backed March 23 Movement (M23).

The United Nations’ Group of Experts report shows that in April 2024, M23 seized Rubaya from PARECO‑FF. M23’s political commissioner, Erasto Bahati, oversaw the site and instituted a complex taxation system, hand‑picking traders and expelling diggers who resisted. Local observers reported that M23 negotiated a share of coltan with PARECO‑FF before ousting them, indicating collusion rather than rivalry. M23 also used forced labour (called salongo) to build a road from Rubaya through Mushaki, Kitshanga, and Tongo to the Rwandan border; this road enabled smugglers to transport coltan to Rwanda.

Human rights abuses and tax schemes

Sources, including Al Jazeera and Global Witness, describe M23’s brutal governance. UN experts found that M23 taxed up to 120 tonnes of coltan per month, generating approximately USD 800,000. Traders interviewed by Global Witness said M23 demanded a 15 % tax on the selling price. The militia enforced forced labour at mining sites and executed civilians who defied orders.

The United Nations report documents large‑scale looting: M23 “systematically looted more than 500 tonnes of tagged and untagged 3T minerals,” smuggling 186 tonnes to Rwanda. 

In March 2025, trucks moved 195 tonnes of minerals across the border at night. During the same period, an estimated 7,000-12,000 Rwandan troops fought alongside M23 in North and South Kivu, contributing to mass displacement. The human cost is staggering: the International Organization for Migration counted 6.9 million internally displaced people (IDPs) in DRC by 2023, with 5.6 million in the eastern provinces and up to one million in North Kivu alone.

2. Follow the money: from Rubaya to Hong Kong via Rwanda

CDMC and the Hong Kong front companies

The U.S. Treasury sanctions reveal a chain of custody: PARECO‑FF and then M23 exploited Rubaya’s minerals; the Cooperative des Artisanaux Miniers du Congo (CDMC) operated the largest concession and purchased minerals smuggled from armed‑group areas. CDMC then sold minerals to Hong Kong-based East Rise Corporation Limited and Star Dragon Corporation Limited. These companies were designated by the U.S. for materially assisting CDMC’s illicit trade; their owners remain unnamed.

Global Witness found that once minerals reach Rwanda, they are sold to Rwandan exporters such as African Panther Resources. In 2024, the company’s exports surged, and the Luxembourg-based trader Traxys became almost the exclusive buyer. Traders said African Panther purchased large quantities of smuggled coltan; M23 demanded a 15 % tax from sellers. Because Rwanda is an EAC member, its exports enjoy preferential access to European markets. The report notes that Rwanda’s official coltan exports doubled from about 1,000 tonnes in 2023 to 2,000 tonnes in 2024, far exceeding the country’s production, evidence of massive laundering.

Rwanda as a smuggling corridor

M23’s control of border cities such as Bunagana and Kitshanga gave it a monopoly over smuggling routes. The UN report noted that “smuggled minerals were laundered through Rwanda, mixed with local production and exported,” undermining legitimate trade. 

Reuters quoted UN experts who observed 195 tonnes of coltan crossing into Rwanda in one week. Roads built with forced labour allowed M23 to move convoys of 4–5 vehicles carrying up to 5 tonnes each; locals described 120‑tonne convoys heading to Rwanda monthly. Once in Rwanda, minerals were re‑labelled and shipped to processing hubs in the United Arab Emirates and China before ending up in Western supply chains

3. Kagame’s corporate shield

Rwanda’s government denies any involvement. Yet, evidence shows that President Paul Kagame’s regime profits whether PARECO‑FF or M23 controls the mines. PARECO‑FF initially opposed M23, but both groups channelled minerals through Rwanda. The U.S. Treasury described PARECO‑FF’s “opportunistic relationships” with M23, and the IPIS article reports that M23 negotiated coltan shares with PARECO‑FF before seizing Rubaya.

Rwanda uses state-linked companies as a corporate shield. African Panther Resources, partly owned by Rwandan military figures, purchases coltan from CDMC and M23-affiliated traders; its exports soar when conflict intensifies. Through East Rise and Star Dragon in Hong Kong and Traxys in Luxembourg, the minerals enter global markets. Because Rwanda’s official exports appear legal, international buyers seldom ask questions. The sanctions signal that Washington intends to pierce this shield and cut off the revenue streams that finance Kagame’s regional dominance.

4. Human cost and global tech demand

A crisis measured in lives, not tonnes

The conflict has devastated communities across eastern Congo. Since the M23 offensive resumed in late 2023, more than 3,000 people have been killed and 2,800 injured, according to humanitarian agencies. Over 237,000 people were newly displaced in early 2025 alone, and by late 2023, the total number of internally displaced persons had reached 6.9 million. Many families live in makeshift camps or host communities, lacking food, shelter, or healthcare. Women and children face sexual violence and exploitation.

Tech supply chains soaked in blood

Coltan is essential for capacitors in smartphones, laptops, and electric vehicles. The DRC produced about 40 % of the world’s coltan in 2023, yet its people see little benefit. Miners often work under armed-group control, earning less than USD 2.15 per day. Rwanda’s export revenues help fund infrastructure and social services at home, while Congolese communities suffer. Meanwhile, Western consumers remain largely unaware that their devices may contain minerals taxed by militias. The supply chain’s opacity allows corporations to claim due diligence even when minerals originate in conflict zones.

5. U.S. sanctions as a turning point

The August 2025 sanctions are significant because they target not only an armed group but also the companies facilitating the trade. By sanctioning PARECO‑FF, CDMC, East Rise, and Star Dragon, the U.S. is sending a warning to Rwanda and international traders that the illicit coltan network is under scrutiny. Under the sanctions, any U.S. person or company that deals with these entities risks heavy penalties.

Although OFAC does not expressly name Rwanda, the designations implicitly acknowledge Kigali’s role. The sanctions may deter legitimate corporations from purchasing minerals through Rwanda and could encourage the Congolese government to regain control of its mining sector.

However, sanctions alone cannot end the conflict. The Great Lakes region has seen numerous peace deals and embargoes over the past three decades, yet armed groups continue to thrive. True change requires a combination of regional diplomacy, economic reform, and accountability for war profiteers. The UN‑facilitated peace agreement signed on 27 June 2025 between Rwanda and the DRC offers a framework, but its success depends on enforcement. Civil society organisations have called for mandatory supply‑chain transparency laws and for tech companies to support conflict‑free sourcing.

Conclusion

The U.S. sanctions of 12 August 2025 expose a complex network linking President Kagame’s government, M23 rebels, PARECO‑FF militia, Congolese cooperatives, and Hong Kong traders. 

Control over Rubaya’s coltan has shifted from one militia to another, but the victims remain the same: Congolese miners forced to dig under threat of violence and communities uprooted by war. The minerals that power the world’s tech devices are soaked in their blood. 

The sanctions are a step toward accountability, but only sustained international pressure and regional cooperation can dismantle the war‑profiteering machine and bring peace to the eastern Congo.