By Small steps, President Tshisekedi tries to expand his room for manoeuvre against his powerful ally, the Common Front for Congo, the platform supporting former President Kabila. Majority in the National Assembly, being able to count on Prime Minister Ilunga Ilunkamba and above all important relays among the military, not forgetting the financial means of the former power, the FCC seemed to control the political game against Etienne Tshisekedi's son who had been described, a little quick, like a neophyte.
Today, after several passes of weapons, no one would risk speculating about the force ratio, which, at a time, seems to be changing in favour of the current head of state. It is not for no reason that thousands of activists from the former presidential majority marched this Thursday in Kinshasa, demanding compliance with the commitments that founded the coalition between the former president and Félix Tshisekedi.
The trial brought to vital Kamerhe, powerful director of cabinet of the head of state, accused for corruption, marked the start of the offensive. Retransmitted live, he had shown that no one was more untouchable. Kamerhe's dismissal, which however intends to appeal, had also broken the invisible wire which, we assumed, still connected it to Kabila.
Other offensives followed, first at the judicial level, thoroughly renewed. Several judges active in the Kamerhe trial have been promoted, including a new first President of the Court of Cassation. In addition, Mr. Ghislain Kikangala, a lawyer from Belgium, has been appointed coordinator of the agency for prevention and fight against corruption, and has the means to achieve the essential broom in a country where capital escape is valued at $ 10 billion a year.
As for the Constitutional Court, the very one that declared Félix Tshisekedi's victory, it was beheaded by the sudden exile in Belgium of its President Benoît Lwamba. The latter, President of the Supreme Judicial Council, was a depositary of the secret of the negotiations leading to the ′′ peaceful transition ′′ between Félix Tshisekedi and Joseph Kabila.
Bearing health reasons, he preferred to go to Brussels where he happily celebrated his birthday with his family. It should be noted that this experienced lawyer, considered one of the instruments of the Kabila system, arrived in Brussels aboard President Tshisekedi's private plane who had made a flash visit to his ′′ second homeland ", perhaps in order to carry out a medical check.
The hand placed on the judicial sector took place despite the Minister of Justice, Tunda ya Kasende, a powerful member of the FCC. The fate of the latter, which had been briefly arrested, had caused a lift of shields in the Kabila camp. Release Mr. Tunda Ya Kasende was forced to resign, however, from an ultra sensitive sector. André Alain Atundu, one of the spokespersons of the former president's political family, described with lucidity ′′ the will to take a hand on justice in order to decapitate and terrorize the FCC by waving the sword of justice on its main leaders. ′′ Denouncing ′′ a deadly confrontation at uncertain end ′′ he also reminded other existential emergencies such as the fall of purchasing power and the fall of Congolese Franc (which now swap at 2000 FC for a dollar).
After this warning, the offensive continued in the Armed Forces, which were thoroughly redesigned, but subtly: this is how General Gabriel Amisi, called Tango Four, under international sanctions, was promoted to the rank of Army General and placed at the head of the General Inspection of the Armies, joined by another officer also close to Joseph Kabila, Muhindi Akili Mudos, regularly questioned for his conduct of war in Ituri.
General Fall Sikabwe, also under penalties, has been placed at the head of the army. The most dangerous eviction is General John Numbi, replaced by Amisi and now without assignment. Very powerful in Katanga, where he also controls militias, accused of the death of activist Floribert Chebeya, Numbi had however pledged allegiance to the new power and facilitated the transition.
Will this man, who has relays in Kigali as in Katangese nationalists be pushed back into the corner of the ring, without reacting?
He is the only officer who has expressed his feelings: ′′ We are not lambs ", which has earned him being made available to the military auditorate.
The waltzes at the top do not prevent the rise of perils on the ground either: fighting continues in Ituri, armed Fulani from Central African Republic descended into the Bas Uélé and above all, 210 villagers were massacred in Kipupu, in Fizi territory in South Kivu, victims of militias of claimed to be of Rwandan or Burundian origin.
Today, after several passes of weapons, no one would risk speculating about the force ratio, which, at a time, seems to be changing in favour of the current head of state. It is not for no reason that thousands of activists from the former presidential majority marched this Thursday in Kinshasa, demanding compliance with the commitments that founded the coalition between the former president and Félix Tshisekedi.
The trial brought to vital Kamerhe, powerful director of cabinet of the head of state, accused for corruption, marked the start of the offensive. Retransmitted live, he had shown that no one was more untouchable. Kamerhe's dismissal, which however intends to appeal, had also broken the invisible wire which, we assumed, still connected it to Kabila.
Other offensives followed, first at the judicial level, thoroughly renewed. Several judges active in the Kamerhe trial have been promoted, including a new first President of the Court of Cassation. In addition, Mr. Ghislain Kikangala, a lawyer from Belgium, has been appointed coordinator of the agency for prevention and fight against corruption, and has the means to achieve the essential broom in a country where capital escape is valued at $ 10 billion a year.
As for the Constitutional Court, the very one that declared Félix Tshisekedi's victory, it was beheaded by the sudden exile in Belgium of its President Benoît Lwamba. The latter, President of the Supreme Judicial Council, was a depositary of the secret of the negotiations leading to the ′′ peaceful transition ′′ between Félix Tshisekedi and Joseph Kabila.
Bearing health reasons, he preferred to go to Brussels where he happily celebrated his birthday with his family. It should be noted that this experienced lawyer, considered one of the instruments of the Kabila system, arrived in Brussels aboard President Tshisekedi's private plane who had made a flash visit to his ′′ second homeland ", perhaps in order to carry out a medical check.
The hand placed on the judicial sector took place despite the Minister of Justice, Tunda ya Kasende, a powerful member of the FCC. The fate of the latter, which had been briefly arrested, had caused a lift of shields in the Kabila camp. Release Mr. Tunda Ya Kasende was forced to resign, however, from an ultra sensitive sector. André Alain Atundu, one of the spokespersons of the former president's political family, described with lucidity ′′ the will to take a hand on justice in order to decapitate and terrorize the FCC by waving the sword of justice on its main leaders. ′′ Denouncing ′′ a deadly confrontation at uncertain end ′′ he also reminded other existential emergencies such as the fall of purchasing power and the fall of Congolese Franc (which now swap at 2000 FC for a dollar).
After this warning, the offensive continued in the Armed Forces, which were thoroughly redesigned, but subtly: this is how General Gabriel Amisi, called Tango Four, under international sanctions, was promoted to the rank of Army General and placed at the head of the General Inspection of the Armies, joined by another officer also close to Joseph Kabila, Muhindi Akili Mudos, regularly questioned for his conduct of war in Ituri.
General Fall Sikabwe, also under penalties, has been placed at the head of the army. The most dangerous eviction is General John Numbi, replaced by Amisi and now without assignment. Very powerful in Katanga, where he also controls militias, accused of the death of activist Floribert Chebeya, Numbi had however pledged allegiance to the new power and facilitated the transition.
Will this man, who has relays in Kigali as in Katangese nationalists be pushed back into the corner of the ring, without reacting?
He is the only officer who has expressed his feelings: ′′ We are not lambs ", which has earned him being made available to the military auditorate.
The waltzes at the top do not prevent the rise of perils on the ground either: fighting continues in Ituri, armed Fulani from Central African Republic descended into the Bas Uélé and above all, 210 villagers were massacred in Kipupu, in Fizi territory in South Kivu, victims of militias of claimed to be of Rwandan or Burundian origin.
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