Tuesday, March 17, 2026

How a Mossad Spy Exposed an Iranian Wiretap Hidden Inside Israeli Embassies"

 


In the spring of 2003, a man who worked for MSAD walked into a building he had entered dozens [music] of times before. He carried a briefcase, wore a suit, and had clearance that would pass any check at any door. He was not being followed. He was not under suspicion. And yet, by the time he left that building, he had set in motion one of the most consequential counter intelligence operations in Israeli history.


 What he found inside was not a weapon, not a file, and not a person. It was silence. A very specific kind of silence that should not have existed. And that silence told him that somewhere inside the walls of an Israeli embassy, Iran was listening. To understand what happened in 2003, you need to understand what Israeli embassies are and what they are not. They are not simply offices.


They are not just buildings where diplomats file paperwork and attend receptions. Israeli embassies are, in the language of intelligence work, hard targets. They are among the most surveiled, most carefully constructed, and most operationally sensitive pieces of infrastructure that the Israeli state operates anywhere on the planet outside of Israel itself. Yeah.


 Every room in an Israeli embassy is built with counter intelligence in mind. The walls are reinforced. The communications equipment is encrypted. The personnel who work there are vetted to a degree that most governments would consider excessive. And the physical structure of the buildings themselves is designed to make penetration difficult in a way that goes beyond locks and guards.


 Israeli embassies are supposed to be places where secrets stay secrets. That is the premise on which they operate. If that is the assumption that every diplomat, every intelligence officer attached to those buildings and every government that interacts with them is working from. Which is why what a mid-level MOSAD technical officer named Ron Gedor discovered in the spring of 2003 was so deeply unsettling.


 Not because it was dramatic, not because it involved gunfire or dead drops or any of the things that people associate with espionage. It was unsettling because it was quiet. Because the thing he found was almost invisible. And because once he found it, the implications spread outward in every direction like cracks in glass, touching operations, personnel, and relationships that had nothing obvious to do with a single anomaly in a single building.


 Ran Gedor was not a field operative in the traditional sense. He did not run agents or he did not conduct surveillance on foreign targets or participate in the kind of operations that produce written histories and documentary films. His work was technical. He was one of a small group of specialists whose job was to verify the integrity of Israeli secure communications infrastructure.


 A category of work that Mossad took seriously to a degree that most outsiders never fully appreciated. His team conducted regular sweeps of embassy facilities. Al not because they expected to find something, but because the discipline of looking was itself the point. You sweep because the moment you stop sweeping is the moment someone else starts using the silence you leave behind.


 In March of 2003, Guedor's team was scheduled for a routine assessment of a European embassy facility. The specific country has never been officially named, and the details that have emerged over the years come from a combination of retired Israeli intelligence figures speaking on background, German and French investigative journalists who spent years tracing the threads and a 2012 book written by a former Shinbet analyst who was involved in the secondary investigation.


None of these sources agree on every detail, but the core of what happened is consistent across all of them. And it begins with a frequency anomaly that Gedor's equipment detected in a room that was supposed to be completely clean. The room in question was the communications annex. Every Israeli embassy has one.


 It is a room that handles encrypted traffic, secure phone lines, and the kind of document transfer that cannot go through conventional channels. It is swept more often than any other space in the building. It is built to a specific electronic penetration almost theoretically impossible. And yet, when Gedor's team ran their standard spectral analysis, they found a signal.

Sunday, March 15, 2026

Have you ever listened to Kamaliza's songs?Who was this Kamaliza?


Mutamuliza Annonciata, popularly known as Kamaliza, was a major figure in Rwandan culture and the struggle for Rwanda's liberation. She was a famous singer but also a soldier who participated in the struggle for the liberation of the country.


1. Early life


Kamaliza was born on March 25, 1954 in Rukara (now in Nyaruguru District). Her parents were Léandre Rusingizandekwe and Bernadette Mukarushema.


In 1959, when many Tutsis fled Rwanda, her family fled to Burundi. It was there that Kamaliza grew up and began to make her mark in music.


2. Beginning music


While in exile in Burundi, Kamaliza began singing songs with strong messages for Rwanda and Rwandans.


He was well known for:

• A powerful and melodious voice

• Songs based on Rwandan culture

• Messages of patriotism and perseverance in exile


His songs were a source of comfort to many Rwandans in exile.


3. His role in the liberation struggle for Rwanda


In 1990, when the liberation struggle for Rwanda began, Kamaliza made a bold decision to leave his ordinary life behind and join the struggle.


He joined the Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA).


In the military, he did great things:

• He became a soldier on the front lines

• He worked to mobilize Rwandans to support the struggle

• He traveled to different countries to seek support for the RPA troops


This showed that he was a patriotic artist and was ready to serve and sacrifice for it.


4. Rank and death


Kamaliza held the rank of Sergeant in the military.


She passed away in 1996, leaving behind a great legacy in:

• Rwandan music

• the struggle for Rwanda's liberation

• Rwandan culture


5. Her legacy


Kamaliza is remembered as one of the greatest female artists of all time in Rwanda. Her songs are still widely used:

• at weddings

• at concerts

• at national ceremonies

• to commemorate the history of Rwanda


6. Some of her most famous songs

• Kunda Ugukunda

• Humura Rwanda

• Umutoni

• Tuzaririmba


Her songs had a message of patriotism, strengthening Rwandans and giving them hope for the future.


Kamaliza was a singer, a hero of Rwandan culture, and a soldier who played a role in the RPF liberation war of Rwanda.

NB:Her boyfriend and most trusted friend in the struggle was Kayitare aka Intare batinya whom she based on in her most loved   songs  as...uraho see ngabo icyeye.......uraho..urraho ntare batinya urahooooo

Her death story is just cealed in our hearts.......it cannot be here.......JUST STUDY THIS HISTORY AND ALWAYS MEMORISE IT?????

........



....NE ...


Young children recruited and being used by ADF in sowing terror.

The villages of Muchacha, attacked by assailants this week, and claimed responsibility by the Islamic State, which released several exclusive images taken during the attack, are home to the headquarters or largest base of the Chinese mining company Kimia Mining, which extracts gold from the Aruwimi River in Mambasa territory.

Nearby towns include Badengaido (where former warlord Paul Sadala, alias Morgan, was killed after his capture), Penge, Adusa, and Niania.

Furthermore, in the photos published by the Islamic State (ADF/ISCAP), several Chinese symbols are visible at the attacked site.

Families in the Beni region also reported this week the deaths of loved ones in these attacks. Villages thriving around the mining operations are often traded by people from Butembo, Beni, and Lubero who bring food, manufactured goods, and brewed goods, which they exchange for cash or in kind (gold) with the gold miners.

Satellite images of this region that we obtained show intense semi-industrial and artisanal mining activity (dredges and excavators submerged in the waters of the Aruwimi River), and information obtained indicates a strong presence of Chinese expatriates overseeing this operation.

Yo

 




Major General Ori Gordin, commander of the Israeli army's Northern Command, reportedly killed in an Iranian rocket attack



Major General Ori Gordin, head of Israel's Northern Command, was reportedly killed today in a rocket strike believed to have been carried out by Iran, according to unconfirmed Israeli sources.


Gordin, a veteran commander responsible for defense along the borders with Lebanon and Syria, played a central role in recent operations in the north.


According to some accounts, Gordin stated today that "the threats from Iran's proxies in the north will be met with an overwhelming Israeli force." Explosions struck a military post in the north shortly afterward.


The area is cordoned off; the government remains silent, but media outlets are reporting Gordin's death.


An escalation of the conflict between Israel and Iran is looming.


ADF claims killing 29 in muchacha of mambasa

 According to several OSINT Intelligence collections from various terror online tabloids at my desk,the Islamic State (ADF) has  claimed responsibility for the attack on an important mining site in Ituri, stating that it had killed around twenty people, including 17 civilians and Congolese soldiers, but also that it had abducted more than 100 people in the mining area of ​​Muchacha in the territory of Mambasa, the ADF (the local branch of the Islamic State) launched this coordinated double attack: against a mining site operated by Chinese nationals and against positions held by the Congolese army (FARDC). According  to Intelligence sources inside the army reveal that these attackers reportedly seized several weapons. The gold-mining area remains extremely dangerous. 







By:N E

Saturday, March 7, 2026

Why are they writing against Willy Manzi of M23?Formal Legal Complaint and Request for Investigation Concerning Mr. Willy Manzi, a Canadian Resident Allegedly Involved in Armed Activities with the M23 Movement in the Democratic Republic of Congo

 

To:

Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC)

365 Laurier Avenue West

Ottawa, Ontario K1A 1L1

Canada


Cc:

Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP)

National Security Enforcement Section


Gatineau Police Service

590 Boulevard Gréber

Gatineau, QC J8T 8B1

Canada


---


Dear Sir/Madam,


I write to you in my capacity as President of the Great Lakes Youth Humanitarian Circle Initiative, to submit this formal complaint and request for investigation regarding the alleged involvement of Mr. Willy Manzi, a Canadian resident reportedly living in Gatineau, Quebec, in armed activities linked to the M23 rebel movement operating in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).


The individual in question is reported to reside at the following address:


177 Victor-Beaudry Street

Gatineau, QC J9H 7K3

Canada


Publicly available records indicate that the property is valued at approximately CAD $470,600, under a 25-year mortgage loan.


According to testimonies from individuals who requested anonymity due to security concerns, Mr. Willy Manzi has allegedly traveled to the Democratic Republic of Congo and associated himself with the M23 armed group, which has been repeatedly accused by international organizations of carrying out attacks against civilians in eastern Congo.


Several witnesses have further indicated that Mr. Manzi allegedly stated his intention to return to Canada in the future and resolve his mortgage obligations after engaging in activities in the conflict zone.


These allegations raise serious concerns under Canadian law, particularly given Canada's longstanding commitment to international humanitarian law, human rights protection, and the prevention of war crimes and crimes against humanity.


Canada has clear legal frameworks governing such conduct.


Under the Criminal Code of Canada, several provisions may apply if the allegations are substantiated:


Section 83.18 — Participation in activity of a terrorist group.


Section 83.19 — Facilitating terrorist activity.


Section 83.2 and 83.21 — Commission of offences for terrorist groups and providing support or services to such groups.


In addition, the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act (S.C. 2000, c.24) gives Canadian authorities jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute individuals who are suspected of involvement in war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide, even when such crimes occur outside Canadian territory.


Furthermore, Section 6 of the Canadian Citizenship Act and Canada's broader legal framework emphasize that Canadian citizenship carries responsibilities consistent with the values of peace, respect for human dignity, and adherence to international law.


The M23 armed movement has been the subject of multiple international investigations. Reports by the United Nations Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of Congo, submitted to the UN Security Council, have documented allegations against the group including:


Attacks against civilian populations

Mass displacement of communities

Recruitment of fighters

Sexual violence against women

Killings of civilians, including children


These findings have been cited in reports submitted to the UN Security Council under Resolution 1533, which monitors armed groups operating in eastern Congo.


If a Canadian resident or citizen is involved in organizing, financing, participating in, or supporting such armed groups, the matter falls squarely within the jurisdiction of Canadian law enforcement and national security authorities.


For this reason, we respectfully request that:


1. Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) review the status and activities of Mr. Willy Manzi under Canadian law.


2. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) open a preliminary inquiry into the allegations of involvement in armed activities abroad.


3. Local authorities in Gatineau, Quebec, examine the matter within their jurisdiction and cooperate with federal authorities where appropriate.


Beyond the legal dimension, this issue also raises a broader moral concern. Canada has long been respected internationally as a nation committed to peacekeeping, human rights, and international justice. It is therefore essential that allegations of this magnitude involving individuals residing in Canada be examined carefully and transparently.


We also respectfully call upon the citizens of Canada, civil society organizations, and human rights advocates to encourage their government and institutions to ensure that Canadian laws are applied consistently and that no individual residing in Canada uses the country as a safe base while participating in violent conflicts abroad.


The people of the Democratic Republic of Congo, particularly those in the eastern provinces who continue to endure cycles of violence, deserve justice, accountability, and the protection of international law.


We therefore respectfully urge Canadian authorities to review this matter and take any appropriate legal steps if the allegations are substantiated.


Thank you for your attention to this important issue.


Respectfully submitted,


Lionçeau Claudien

President

Great Lakes Youth Humanitarian Circle Initiative


Quartier Gombe, Kinshasa

Friday, March 6, 2026

DRC and Uganda Aim to Accelerate Work on the Kasindi-Beni Section






The Minister of Infrastructure and Public Works of the Democratic Republic of Congo, John Banza Lunda, and his Ugandan counterpart, Katumba Wamala, participated in the 5th meeting of the steering committee for the construction and modernization project of the 80-kilometer Kasindi-Beni National Route 4 in Kampala.


Both governments reaffirmed their commitment to accelerating this economically important road project. The work, being carried out by DOTT Services, is continuing despite security challenges.


The committee decided, in particular, to remove obstacles to allow for the paving of the first 15 kilometers between Beni and Kasindi.


Thursday, March 5, 2026

Zakaria banza Suleiman,an ADF ideology chief talking about the reasons for group's persistence despite strong operations against it

 



Speaking in a video published on February 24th and commenting on the organization of the forum on the ADF issue in Beni, Zakaria Banza Souleymane, alias Bonge la Chuma, one of the ideologues of the Allied Democratic Forces, the Islamic State's Central Africa Province (ISCAP), welcomed this initiative for reflection while urging the Congolese government to seize this opportunity to consider a negotiated solution to the security crisis caused by ADF activity in Beni, Irumu, Lubero, and Mambasa.


According to this former imam of the Katindo mosque in Goma, the Democratic Republic of Congo, supported by the United Nations (MONUSCO), African countries (UN Intervention Brigade), Uganda (Shujaa military operations), and others, have failed to dismantle the ADF. Therefore, he believes it would be important for Kinshasa to consider the strategy employed last year by Nigeria in negotiating with Boko Haram for the release of 230 students. He points out that Nigeria established contact with the Islamist movement, and the negotiations resulted in the release of Boko Haram leaders, the payment of a substantial ransom by the Nigerian government (which deployed a helicopter to deliver the money), and the eventual release of the hostage students by the jihadist group.


Specifically naming the governor of North Kivu, General Evariste Kakule Somo, as the organizer of this forum at the behest of the Congolese government and President Félix Antoine Tshisekedi, and reading from his opening address, Bonge la Chuma invited the governor to contact him so that he could act as an intermediary for negotiations with ISCAP.


For Zakaria Banza Souleymane [Bonge la Chuma], the ADF/ISCAP's demands in any potential negotiations with the Congolese government will be based on three pillars:


1. End of the war: ISCAP secures support for its agenda from the populations in the areas where it is active.


2. Coexistence: no Islamization, but populations living in areas under ADF/ISCAP activity will pay a conventional tax (he specifies that this is already operational in several villages and the ADF no longer carries out deadly incursions there).


3. No compromise: continuation of the offensive by Kinshasa with its allies and reprisals by the ADF/ISCAP against civilians and security forces.

Mahagi bans UPDF from entering its lands


The military administrator of the Mahagi territory, Colonel Disanoa Lalua Jacques, has ordered a strict ban on the entry of Ugandan army (UPDF) personnel and their equipment through the Anzida and Karombo border crossings.


This measure was announced in an official statement as shown 👇 




Angola discreetly cementing her footprint in DRC's eastern war



While Kinshasa and the AFC/M23 rebels signed a Qatari-brokered ceasefire in Doha in July 2025—an agreement the Congolese army coalition never honored—Angola unveiled a separate initiative on February 9, supposedly aimed at de-escalating tensions in eastern DRC. Yet the rebels were neither consulted nor invited, raising immediate doubts about the proposal’s neutrality and intent.


It did not take long to discern that Angola’s proposal was a calculated strategy designed to grant the Congolese national army (FARDC) and its coalition partners a tactical advantage over AFC/M23, while discreetly expanding Angola’s own military footprint in eastern DRC.


On February 24, there was arrival of approximately 100 Angolan soldiers at Kalemie Airport on February 18 and their subsequent deployment to Baraka and Fizi in South Kivu Province to reinforce coalition offensives led by FARDC. On February 24 and 26, an Angolan Air Force Hercules C-130 aircraft transported additional special forces to Kalemie, reinforcing units already stationed at the airport.


According to Intelligence sources inside FARDC ,reports alerted that Angola was expected to deploy a full battalion, including special forces and drone operators operating from Kalemie Airport, alongside approximately 20 Blackwater mercenaries.


Beyond ground deployments, Angolan Sukhoi Su-30 and Su-25 fighter jets have reportedly been permanently stationed in Kalemie to support operations against AFC/M23 and MRD-Twirwaneho, a Banyamulenge self-defense group, in the high and middle plateaus of Fizi Territory.


Publicly, Angola maintained that it would not engage militarily, projecting neutrality during its tenure as African Union chair. However, President Félix Tshisekedi’s two visits to Luanda within three days in January raised questions about that posture. President João Lourenço’s call for a ceasefire now appears to have been a manoeuvre that bought time while legitimizing direct support for Tshisekedi’s government.


Factors for the persistence of ADF in Ituri and North kivu

 According to the Bridgeway Foundation, speaking at the forum on the ADF issue last February in Beni, here are the potential factors leading to radicalization:



1. Economic and Structural Factors


▶️ Poverty, unemployment, and inequality


▶️ Limited access to education and livelihoods


▶️ Marginalization of certain regions or communities


2. Misinterpretation and instrumentalization of Islam


↪️ Selectively quoting religious texts out of context


↪️ Stripping them of their historical and scientific interpretations


↪️ Constructing distorted narratives to justify violence


3. Family breakdown and negative childhood experiences


⚠️ Trauma, abuse, or neglect during childhood


⚠️ Exposure to violence


⚠️ Post-traumatic stress disorder and unresolved grievances

Wednesday, March 4, 2026

Ugandan school Emis portals at risk of Turkish cyber hacking army

For some months it  had come to our notice that many EMIS portals were vulnerable or had been hacked by a group that belongs to  the so called Turkish cyber army.we alert the Ugandan government and the ministry of education to look into the matter.

we base our proof on the fact that some of the ministry's publications on the portal have been taken or defaced by the said group.As you can see below ,whenever the NEW LEARNER REGISTRATION FORM is dowloaded,it brings a document as displayed below :

 

We up to now do not know if the technical group in-charge of the security of this system know it or do not know,and if they know,we are worried and would like them to clarify on whether they fixed or remedied the issue.We call upon the stake holders in the ministry to revise the whole system and improve its security. The incorporation of computerization in schools an excellent idea,but they are alot of dangers ,and specifically to this EMIS system,most schools do not have the technocrats to handle the usage and management.As result you find most of the schools' portal are left "opened" in most cyber cafes or many are run by individuals or business men running cyber cafes.This is very dangerous to both the schools' administration and the students or pupils in that this system holds sensitive information that should not be simply  held by anyone apart from the known schools' personnel.

 

Tuesday, March 3, 2026

Colonel Joseph Tipi Ngadjole Olikwa, also known as Ziroziro, rumoured to have died in an ambush in the Mikenge/Minembwe region

 


Colonel Joseph Tipi Ngadjole Olikwa, also known as Ziroziro, died in an ambush in the Mikenge/Minembwe region, according to sources close to his family.


Commander of this Congolese army operational axis in South Kivu, he was targeted this afternoon by a sniper while joining his unit, which had captured the town of Mikenge the previous day.


Long deployed in military operations of the Armed Forces of the DRC against the ADF in the Beni (Eringeti) territory when General Muhindo Akili, also known as Mundos, was in command of these operations, Tipi Ziroziro was described as an active field commander close to his units, although other reports suggested his troops were ineffective on the front lines.


Deployed for several years in South Kivu, specifically in Minembwe where he served as commander of the 312th battalion of the 31st brigade of the Congolese army, he was sanctioned by the European Union for abuses committed by his troops against civilian populations. According to the biography provided by the European Union at the time, he was born in 1977 in Fataki in the Ituri province.

The consequences of Trump's sanctions on the Rwanda Defence Force (RDF)?



It means that any RDF assets, houses, and investments that fall under U.S. jurisdiction are seized. All RDF funds within or touching the U.S. global financial system are frozen. The RDF are banned from using the U.S. global financial system — from buying weapons to paying salaries. The RDF is blocked.

All U.S. persons and companies are banned from doing business with the RDF. Foreign companies and banks that conduct significant transactions with the RDF risk sanctions exposure and potential loss of access to the U.S. financial system.

In short, the US is cutting off their money and business. This is going to hurt Paul Kagame  badly.And as more sanctions  come it will frustrate all the sectors of Rwandese economy.

To all US and international companies doing business with the Rwanda Defence Force , or with companies owned or linked to the Rwanda Defence Force: The sanctions will target Companies reportedly owned by, linked to, or operating in close coordination with the RDF include:

(1) Gabiro Agro Processing Industry
(2) Agro Processing Trust Corporation (APTC)
(3) Rwanda Fertiliser Company (RFC)
(4) Zigama Credit and Savings Bank
(5) Rwanda Engineering and Manufacturing Corporation (REMCO)

The congress has made it clear for the No waivers. No exceptions. No backdoor access to the U.S. financial system for RDF-owned or RDF-linked enterprises while sanctionable conduct continues.

Any U.S. company, bank, investor, insurer, or firm clearing U.S. dollar transactions should conduct enhanced due diligence immediately. The congress stressed that U.S. banking system is not a revenue pipeline for sanctioned military actors and that Kagame's Compliance is not optional.



M23 claims responsibility for the attack on the airport of kisangani

 The AFC-M23 claims responsibility for the drone attack against the Kisangani airport, stating that this action was carried out by its forces "located near the capital of Tshopo in order to neutralize the Congolese army drones which were preparing to bomb the territories under its control".



Rwanda reacts to the sanctions against its army and commanders

 Rwanda reacts to the sanctions against its army and commanders, denouncing the double standard in Washington's approach.



"The sanctions imposed today by the United States, which unfairly target only one party to the peace process, distort the reality and facts of the conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The DRC's systematic and indiscriminate drone attacks and ground offensives constitute flagrant violations of the ceasefire agreements and continue to claim many victims. Protecting our country is an honor of which the Rwandan Defense Forces are very proud.


The DRC coalition includes foreign mercenaries, state-backed extremist ethnic militias (Wazalendo), and the genocidal FDLR militia, which fights alongside the FARDC. The DRC committed, under the Washington Accords, to irreversibly and verifiably end its state support for the FDLR and associated militias, but has taken no steps in this direction. Rwanda is fully committed to disengaging its forces at the same time." that the DRC respects its obligations.


Rwanda welcomes the resumption of the implementation process, particularly the Joint Monitoring Committee, which requires an impartial approach from all partners. Rwanda remains committed to respecting all aspects of the Washington Agreements, including the Regional Economic Integration Framework.

The list of Rwandan officers sanctioned by the United States

 





Here is the list of Rwandan officers sanctioned by the United States and the charges brought against them by Washington in the ongoing armed conflict in Kivu:


Mubarakh Muganga (Muganga), a Rwandan national, is the Chief of Defense Staff of the RDF. Before being appointed to this position in June 2023, Muganga was Chief of Staff of the RDF Army, during which time he played a key role in planning operations and commanding RDF forces in eastern DRC.


Vincent Nyakarundi (Nyakarundi), a Rwandan national, is the Chief of Staff of the RDF Army. Nyakarundi is a senior commander of the Rwandan Army's ground forces, which have conducted military operations in support of the M23.


 Ruki Karusisi (Karusisi), a Rwandan national, is a major general and commander of the 5th Infantry Division of the RDF. Previously, he was commander of the Special Operations Force and oversaw military operations in support of the M23. He was born in Kinshasa (1974).


Stanislas Gashugi (Gashugi), a Rwandan national, was appointed commander of the RDF Special Operations Force on March 15, 2025, replacing Karusisi.

Saturday, February 28, 2026

M23's first official statement on Willy Ngoma's death

 For the FIRST time, AFC/M23 has issued a statement on the death of Willy Ngoma and promises to respond:


"These crimes will not go unpunished. Our duty is to guarantee the protection of our people and our soldiers throughout the liberated territory."




Joint forces of the UPDF-FARDC strike the ADF camp, recover weapons and explosives in eastern DRC

 



"The joint forces of the Ugandan People's Defence Forces (UPDF) and the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC), as part of the joint operation, Operation Shujaa, intensified operations against the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, striking a rebel camp west of the Epulu River and recovering a significant cache of weapons and bomb-making materials," announced a statement from this joint force of the Armed Forces of the DRC and the Ugandan army.


The two forces seized a cache of weapons, improvised explosive devices, a molding machine, and other assorted equipment. A number of ADF fighters were killed during the assault, while others fled with wounds.


Overseeing the offensive is the commander of Operation Shujaa, Major General Stephen Mugerwa, who coordinated directly with field units and pledged to maintain pressure on the insurgents until they are thoroughly neutralized.


"During the latest offensive, twelve captives were freed around Ofayee, near the Ndimo region. The former captives described harsh conditions during their time in the hands of the rebels, including physical abuse and forced labor."

Where is General Makenga of M23?

 After FARDC's Drone Attacks In Rubaya: Is Major General Sultani Makenga Critically Injured, Dead, or in Hiding?




Major General Sultani Makenga and Brigadier General Justin Musanga Gaceri have neither been seen nor used their military communication channels or private lines from 24 February 2026 to today, 28 February 2026. They were expected to lead sweeping offensive operations against FARDC in Masisi Territory, North Kivu.


However, RDF-M23 operations in Masisi are currently being directed by war hardened - Colonel Séraphin Mirindi.


Sources indicate that Major General Makenga and Brigadier General Gaceri were critically injured in a FARDC drone strike near Rubaya on February 24, which killed M23 spokesperson Lt Col Willy Ngoma and other military officers of RDF-M23.


Key question: Is Criminal Paul Kagame’s boy - Major General Sultani Makenga critically injured, dead, or alive and simply conducting operations under the threat of predatory drones?