Beni-Butembo road : DOTT Services rejects responsibility for the impassable road

 

The road blockage on the Beni-Butembo road is attributed to rain and repeated breakdowns of heavy trucks. For the past two days, long lines of vehicles have been reported in Kisalala, in the Maboya area.

DOTT Services maintains that the road itself has no major defects, pointing instead to the improper loading of heavy trucks, some exceeding 150 tons, which are unsuitable for this infrastructure.

Authorities are urging patience, assuring the public that the disruptions are temporary and related to ongoing modernization work.

FARDC retakes part of uvira

  

The Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) confirmed on Friday, December 26, 2025, the forced withdrawal of M23-AFC rebel troops from the center of Uvira, in South Kivu province.

According to Second Lieutenant Mbuyi Kalonji Reagan, spokesperson for the Congolese army in the Sokola 2 South operational sector of South Kivu, this was not a voluntary withdrawal, but rather a forced one. The rebels were compelled by the FARDC to leave Uvira after four days of fighting.

“This is not a voluntary withdrawal, but a forced withdrawal, following military pressure from the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo, which led these terrorists to withdraw from downtown Uvira,” he stated.

He indicated that the Congolese army succeeded in sinking two M23-AFC rebel boats stationed at the port of Kalundu, carrying military equipment belonging to this rebellion supported by the Rwandan army, thus forcing the rebels to establish their new headquarters more than 20 km from the city of Uvira.

Second Lieutenant Mbuyi Kalonji Reagan also reported that, during the four days of fighting, the Congolese army inflicted heavy losses on the M23-AFC, notably capturing 13 fighters. Eleven weapons were also recovered by the FARDC. He called on the population of Uvira to remain calm and vigilant, before reiterating the determination of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo to protect the territorial integrity of the DRC.

FARDC to conduct massive recruitments in this end of year festive period

Our intelligence  sources around Kinshasha has reported on intent of FARDC to carry on massive recruitments this end of year festive period.That all candidates registered for the national entrance examination to military schools that the entrance examinations will be held from December 27 to 28, 2025 throughout the entire country.

Lt. Col Manirakiza of Burundian army shot dead by M23.

Lieutenant-Colonel Patrice Manirakiza, who commanded the 18th battalion of the Burundian army that had facilitated the fight against the AFC/M23 in the Democratic Republic of Congo, died on Wednesday, December 24, 2025.

The officer died at Tanganyika Care Hospital in Bujumbura from his wounds, where he had been ill for more than two weeks.

On December 6, Lt. Col Manirakiza was shot in the Luvungi area of ​​South Kivu province, while the troops he was leading were engaged in combat with AFC/M23 rebels.

Those who were with him when he was shot said that he was hit by a drone strike. When he saw it, he immediately asked his guard to enter his sleeping quarters, pack everything and leave the barracks.

As the soldier entered to pack his belongings, Lt. Col Manirakiza was hit by a second bomb, seriously injuring him, and reports say he was the only one injured.

The soldier died while reports say the bomb had damaged his internal organs, including his kidneys and intestines, as well as his legs.

Commander of the Kamina Military Base, General Dieudonné Muhima is under arrest.

The series of arrests within the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) continues with the detention, on Sunday, December 21, 2025, of General Dieudonné Muhima Batechi, commander of the strategic Kamina military base. He is accused of embezzling public funds and military rations, in the context of an intensified fight against corruption within the Congolese army.

This arrest brings to at least 22 the number of generals detained since the beginning of this vast operation to "moralize" the armed forces, initiated by the General Staff of the Armed Forces. General Muhima Batechi is not unknown: a former right-hand man of the controversial General Muhindo Akili, known as "Mundos," himself under sanctions from the European Union and the United States for serious human rights violations, he is also alleged to have been involved in dubious affairs, notably the suspected plot surrounding the assassination of Colonel Mamadou Ndala.

According to several military intelligence sources in FARDC, the arrest took place on the morning of December 21, in an atmosphere of palpable tension. Major General Sylvain Ekenge, spokesperson for the FARDC (Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo), confirmed during a briefing that these arrests are part of a series of disciplinary measures targeting "highly reprehensible acts related to state security." However, the army is invoking the secrecy of the investigation, which currently limits transparency regarding the precise charges and available evidence.

This latest arrest raises questions about the true extent of corruption within the Congolese army, as well as the potential political motivations behind some of the detentions. While some welcome a desire for reform and the restoration of military integrity, others denounce a selective, even politically motivated, witch hunt.

General Muhima Batechi thus joins a list of high-ranking officers recently implicated, in a context where the military justice system seems determined to crack down hard. It remains to be seen whether these proceedings will lead to exemplary convictions or whether they will become bogged down in the complexities of a judicial system often criticized for its opacity.

A turning point or a smokescreen? The question remains open. But one thing is certain: the purge within the FARDC is far from over.

Why has the UPDF 's fisheries protection unit been dissolved?

President Museveni has ordered the dissolution of the UPDF Fisheries Protection Unit after an intelligence probe found mismanagement, overfishing and alleged extortion of fishermen.

The unit’s roles have been handed over to the UPDF Marine Forces, and landing site committees have been scrapped. UPDF says the unit is now under Marine command.

Sources say Lt Col Mercy Tukahirwa, who commanded the unit, is to be redeployed, though UPDF says the unit is now under Marine Forces command.

Major General Padiri Muhizi is arrested!

 

Major General Padiri Muhizi Jonas was arrested by the relevant authorities of congolese military intelligence  during an operation conducted by the Military Anti-Patriotic Action Detection Unit (DEMIAP).

This military officer joins the ranks of several other generals arrested on charges of treason during this war.

According to Intelligence survey,While some compatriots encourage the wave of arrests of officers accused of colluding with whom they blame to be "the enemy of the government" to, "serve as an example," others see this as a weakening of the congolese army.

According to OSINT collections,it seems most of the collaborators of FARDC from Tutsi and hutu communities of  kivu are not happy at how officers from this area are being arrested yet they are the ones fighting harder more than them.

They lament that!

"Why was Masunzu was imprisoned yet  he did not engage in any fighting, allegedly because Nzibira was captured during peace talks.

One asked,don't you know Nyembo, why is he not imprisoned because Uvira was arrested?Another lamented that History shows that there were two Tutsi Colonels  who fell in the battle in Kibumba, they died, and there was a ceremony to bury them with honor in Goma.And Remember the Hutu Colonel who fell in Rugali.

It is also worth to Remember the hutu colonel who was killed in Tuonane, a.

I tell you my brother that there are no FARDC  soldiers who are so brave and fight like these hutu and Tutsi soldiers from kivu,why are they being arrested because of the fall of localities and cities,yet their own who are top commanders are not arrested?, My brother,I can tell you,we the Tutsis and hutus of kivu are tired on these impartial and unreasonable treatment. "

Is M23 forcing people to go for demonstration?

 

URA cautioned on import of starlink gadgets

Three 4 days ago we learnt that the importation of starlink devices were under intelligence  scrutiny.This was Followed by a directive to URA custom officers at all entry points not to allow importation of Star Link internet devices.

Various   reports and rumours from various sections  indicate that security operatives are now hunting for whoever has or uses the StarLink gadgets.

Intelligence reports say, the gadgets are capable of staying serving internet even if servers are switched off from mukono based statelite connections.

Many intellectuals sympathizing with government claim that such gadgets may be used by anti-gorvenment agents and bodies to disorganize the government programs especially the election period.

Many Opposition intellectuals linked to NUP claim that since there is a planned internet shut down during elections, security fears that opposition mainly National Unity Platform  may take advantage of StarLink to organise protests.

According to various OSINT(Open source intelligence) collections,they all claim that,it is CDF Muhoozi and his tough cyber intelligence group that discovered the intent of the use off these gadgets by haters of peace to use them in disrupting the running of government programs peacefully and as such all importation of such gadgets must first get authorization and clearance from the CDF.

....For God and My country ....

N.E

Trial called by the prosecution for "Treason against the Nation" against General Philémon Yav to begin this Friday at the High Military Court

 Kinshasa: 

The High Military Court announced the opening this Friday, December 19, of the trial of General Philémon Yav, who is being prosecuted on two counts. The first involves treason and inciting soldiers to commit acts contrary to their duty and discipline, while the second concerns treason and participation in an insurrection, according to the court's docket.

Lieutenant General Philémon Yav was arrested on Monday, September 19, 2022, and transferred to Makala Central Prison.

This FARDC (Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo) officer was in command of five provinces: North Kivu, South Kivu, Ituri, Maniema, and Tshopo.

Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, CDF & Senior Presidential Adviser for Special Operations, met H.E. Lisa Chesney, UK High Commissioner to Uganda, at SFC HQ Entebbe

 

The Chief of Defence Forces and Senior Presidential Adviser for Special Operations, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba this afternoon met with Her Excellency Lisa Chesney, UK High Commissioner to Uganda. The meeting happened at the Special Forces Command headquarters in Entebbe. 

The CDF and the UK High Commissioner discussed a proposal to deploy UK military medical personnel at the UPDF National Referral Hospital. This proposal is under review by the UK government.

The two leaders also explored UK’s support to the UPDF training schools. 

They reaffirmed mutual respect and agreed to sustain high-level engagements to further strengthen cooperation.

This meeting follows a previous discussion between the CDF and the High Commissioner in October, underscoring the ongoing high-level engagement between the two nations.

They discussed deepening UK–UPDF cooperation, including medical support and training, and reaffirmed commitment to continued high-level engagement.

Will Museveni manage to stop the an anticipated regional war?Uganda will hold a security meeting to discuss the Security crisis in DRC

 Uganda will host a summit of regional heads of state this coming Sunday to address the rapidly deteriorating security situation in eastern DRC, as fighting around Uvira heightens fears of a wider regional conflict.

 Preparations for the meeting are in high gear and the ministry of external affairs is prepared to host this important meeting.

The meeting will focus on recent advances by the AFC/M23 armed group in South Kivu province  particularly the capture of Uvira and the growing humanitarian crisis,with the meeting's main target of avoiding a regional war.

With M23 having announced it's withdrawal from Uvira as commanded by USA,many see it's withdrawal as a tactical move by Rwanda.

According to our sources, rather than retreating to Kamanyola or returning to Rwanda, the majority of Rwandan soldiers present in Uvira have chosen to head towards the highlands and middle plateaus of Uvira territory. They are currently moving towards the Fizi and Menembwe regions and their surrounding areas.

It is important to note that no precise data is available at this time, but according to our estimates, of the Rwandan soldiers already stationed in the city of Uvira, approximately 70% have headed towards the highlands and middle plateaus.

Standby class one order for the prisons for two months

 

Reports indicate that Gen. Muhoozi has ordered Uganda Prisons Service to be under Standby Class One order from December 15, 2025, to February 15, 2026, as part of heightened security measures ahead of the festive season and the January 15, 2026, general elections.

For those Not familiar with security matters, standby Class One is the highest state of operational readiness within Uganda’s uniformed security services. When declared, it places the entire institution on maximum alert to respond swiftly to any security threat, emergency, or unusual situation.

In this case, the declaration coincides with a politically sensitive period as Ugandans prepare to vote for a new president, as well as parliamentary and local government leaders. In a press statement, commissioner general of Prisons Dr Johnson Byabashaija directed all prison units across the country to intensify security, intelligence gathering, and coordination with sister security and intelligence agencies during the two-month period until they receive other orders.

According to information collected from a variety of talks from samples of different people from different public places,they are  praising the way Gen Muhoozi has woken up and getting serious on some of the most "unattended to" issues in respect to security and the bad vice of corruption .

...For God and My Country....

N.E

CDF decorates officers at Mbuyau

 

CDF Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba urged newly promoted UPDF officers to embrace greater responsibility and integrity. The decorated officers include Lt. Gens. Jack Bakasumba and Francis Okello; Maj. Gens. James Kinaalwa, Deus Sande, Charles Byanyima, William Bainomugisha & Christopher Ddamulira; and Brig. Gens. Mcdans Kamugira, Fred Zakye & Paddy Ankunda, among others.

Kenya has Cemented its Integrated Air Defense Capability with Ksh 3.4 Billion SPYDER System.

 

In a strategic enhancement of Kenya’s air defense architecture, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has transferred a SPYDER (Surface-to-Air Python and Derby) air defense battery, valued at Ksh 3.4 billion, to President William Ruto. The delivery, executed via an IDF-operated heavy air cargo sortie, reflects deepening bilateral defense cooperation and significantly upgrades Kenya’s aerial threat interdiction capacity.

The SPYDER system, developed by Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, is a highly mobile, multi-role, short- to medium-range surface-to-air missile (SAM) platform engineered for tactical air defense operations. It is optimized for rapid target acquisition and simultaneous multi-target engagement against manned aircraft, rotary-wing platforms, and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), including low-observable and high-speed incursions.

System Architecture and Combat Capability.

The SPYDER platform integrates Python-5 and Derby missile interceptors, leveraging dual guidance modes — infrared homing and active radar guidance — to maximize kill probability in dense electronic warfare environments. Its high-mobility tactical launcher units, mounted on all-terrain platforms, enable rapid shoot-and-scoot deployment, ensuring survivability against counter-battery and air suppression operations.

Key operational characteristics include:

Engagement Envelope: Effective target engagement ranges of 1–50 km with altitudes up to 16 km, providing layered point and area defense.

Reaction Time: Combat-ready launch in under 10 seconds from target acquisition, suitable for dynamic threat environments.

Multi-Target Capability: Simultaneous engagement of multiple aerial vectors, supported by integrated command, control, communications, computers, and intelligence (C4I) networks.

Mobility and Survivability: All-terrain launch vehicles equipped with rapid reload systems allow displacement between firing positions, mitigating counter-strike vulnerabilities.

Operational Impact on Kenya’s Air Defense Posture.

The SPYDER system significantly elevates Kenya’s aerial denial and interdiction capabilities, reinforcing strategic deterrence against asymmetric and conventional threats. Its deployment enables:

Integrated Air Defense Layering: Seamless integration with existing radar and surveillance assets to establish a multi-tiered air defense umbrella over critical infrastructure, ports, military bases, and urban centers.

Counter-UAV Operations: Effective neutralization of tactical UAV swarms and low-altitude threats increasingly utilized in modern hybrid warfare.

Force Projection and Rapid Response: Enhanced ability to deploy interceptors to high-threat sectors within minutes, supporting theater-level air defense contingencies.

Strategic Signaling: Demonstrates Kenya’s commitment to regional air superiority and deters potential aerial incursions by state and non-state actors.

Defense analysts note that the addition of SPYDER positions Kenya as a regional air defense node capable of conducting both defensive counter-air operations and tactical protection of critical national assets under high-threat scenarios.

The acquisition underscores Kenya’s continued investment in advanced kinetic and electronic warfare capabilities while reinforcing strategic defense partnerships with Israel. With the SPYDER battery fully operational, Kenya now possesses a robust, survivable, and responsive air defense shield capable of deterring and neutralizing contemporary aerial threats.

Are we at the verge of a regional war again?Will the accused Kagame manage it?

 

If  Paul Kagame were to open a new front against Burundi using eastern DRC as a rear base, it would mark the beginning of a far wider regional war. According to multiple political, diplomatic, and military indications, Burundi would not face such an aggression alone. Bujumbura would almost certainly receive robust diplomatic backing, significant political support, and substantial logistical assistance in terms of weapons, equipment, and manpower from regional and extra-regional actors. In that scenario, it is hard to see this new front being easy for  Paul Kagame to manage. Rather, it could become the overextension that begins to unravel what many of his critics describe as a brutal satanic regime in Kigali.

At present,  Paul Kagame appears to be weighing two highly risky strategic paths. On one side is the option of directly attacking Burundi from positions in and around Uvira, where his RDF–M23 forces are heavily entrenched themselves. From Uvira to Bujumbura is roughly 25 kilometres, a short distance in military terms, especially when staging from occupied territory. On the other side is the continuation of the offensive deeper into the DRC, pushing from Uvira towards Baraka and onward to the port city of Kalemie in Tanganyika Province. This second axis is attractive and being supported by mafias within RDF-M23 network who see this corridor to Katanga as the ultimate prize. As some of Kagame’s minions within RDF-M23 argue, once RDF–M23 forces enter Katanga, historically a hotbed of opposition to President Tshisekedi, the balance of power in Kinshasa could shift dramatically.

Yet both options carry immense risks. An incursion into Burundi would mobilise not only Burundian national sentiment but also regional security arrangements that cannot easily be controlled from Kigali. Burundi’s ruling CNDD-FDD party has its own painful history with attempted regime change, the failed 2015 coup d’état orchestrated by Paul Kagame and led by Burundian military officers who fled to Rwanda after the failed coup d’état. Any new attack traced back to Rwanda's sponsorship would be framed in Bujumbura, in the region and by many in international level, as the culmination of Kagame’s long-standing ambition to reshape the Great Lakes’ political map by force. Far from a quick operation, it could open a prolonged and unpredictable confrontation on Rwanda’s southern flank, stretching the RDF militarily and politically.

The alternative, pushing further into Tanganyika and towards Katanga, is hardly safer. The advance of RDF–M23 elements towards Baraka and potentially Kalemie is already sharpening national resentment inside the DRC. Katanga is not merely another province; it is the epicentre of powerful economic interests, international interests, long-standing political networks, and deep frustrations with central authority. Any perception that foreign troops are opening a path for a “Katangese solution” to Tshisekedi’s government would inflame tensions far beyond the control of Kigali’s planners. What might look like a tactical opportunity for Kagame and his Congolese mafia network within RDF-M23 could quickly transform into a quagmire of competing militias, political factions, and international pressure.

The strategic reality is that each new front increases the probability of miscalculation. Using Uvira as a forward operating base for regime-change ambitions in Burundi would bring Rwanda into more direct confrontation with regional players who have so far attempted to contain the crisis diplomatically. At the same time, pushing deeper into Congolese territory risks unifying disparate Congolese actors against a common external enemy and inviting broader Western sanctions, isolation, or even direct counter-measures. For a leadership already accused by its critics of overreach and impunity, either path could accelerate the erosion of both regional tolerance and internal stability.

In the end, the future of the region hinges on the choices made in Kigali, and on whether strategic restraint prevails over the temptation to gamble on yet another military adventure. From Uvira to Bujumbura is a short distance on the map, but politically and historically it may be the longest and most dangerous road Kagame could choose to take. If he miscalculates, what his opponents call a “satanic regime” may find that the very wars it launched for influence and resources become the catalyst for its own decline. The coming months will reveal whether Rwanda doubles down on confrontation or is forced, by pressure and reality, to retreat from the brink of a wider regional conflagration.

Major Gen.Ephraim Kabisa,is he the new chief of DRC army?

Will Emma Katabazi manage manage the volatility in the intelligence around the east African community?

Gen. Yoweri Museveni who is the commander in chief of Uganda’s military  appointed the former Deputy Director of the Internal Security Organisation, Col. Emmy Katabazi as Senior Presidential Advisor and Coordinator of Security and Intelligence.

The docket of the Coordinator of Security and Intelligence Services has been vacant since 2012, when Gen. David Sejusa, who had been the coordinator, fell out with the establishment. Katabazi served as the Deputy Director General of the ISO, a position where he often interacted with students and youth leaders to promote patriotism, discipline, and national development.

Nkkashama,Ndima or Itchaligonza,who will be the new chief of DRC army?

Following the fall of the strategic city of Uvira, President Félix Tshilombo is attempting to reorganize the army by appointing General Ichalingoza Nduru as Chief of Staff of the Congolese army.

But according to sources close to the Presidency, all his courtiers are opposed, claiming that this general is of Ugandan origin, a product of mixed ancestry.

The president's loyalists want General John Nkashama or Constant Ndima, one of these two generals, to be appointed. The president is opposed to appointing either of them.

Sayings inside the army has it that Uganda's  Yoweri Museveni, is putting pressure on President Félix Tshisekedi to appoint the Ugandan Ichalingoza Nduru as Chief of Staff of the army.

The Democratic Republic of Congo and President Félix Tshisekedi have reached a crossroads!

.....NE.....

Rumours on the death of Magloire Paluku

According to several local sources in North Kivu, journalist and former Union pour la Nation Congolaise (UNC) member, Magloire Paluku, was assassinated on Wednesday, evening, 10th December 2025, in front of his house in Goma. Reports suggest he was shot with a pistol fitted with a silencer as he returned home, in what appears to be a targeted killing linked to internal tensions within the M23/AFC movement.

Paluku, once known as a media figure and political activist, had a long and controversial trajectory at the intersection of Congolese politics and armed movements. Initially based in Kinshasa at the beginning of the RDF–M23 war in November 2021, the highly ambitious Paluku was actively seeking a position in President Tshisekedi’s government. Despite multiple attempts, the appointment he hoped for never materialised. 

After this prolonged wait, Paluku returned to Goma, where he initially presented himself as a defender of the Congolese population and a vocal critic of Criminal Paul Kagame’s invasion of DRC. However, to the surprise of many who had seen him in that light, he was later recruited into the M23/AFC by his longtime friend Corneille Nangaa, the current psuedo political leader of M23 - AFC movement. According to sources within RDF-M23/AFC, Paluku was attracted by promises of a role within the movement’s political hierarchy. As we all know, it is far easier to convince a greedy and ambitious person than someone guided by ideological principles.

After formally joining RDF–M23 in May 2025, Paluku was sent for a political cadre training course in Tshanzu, a sign that he was being groomed for a more prominent political function within the structure. His problems, however, begun when Nangaa proposed his name for the post of Deputy Governor of North Kivu under the RDF-M23/AFC administration of areas under their control.

According to these sources, Nangaa wanted someone highly educated, politically articulate and linguistically versatile in that role. Paluku, who spoke major Congolese languages and had media experience, was seen as an ideal candidate to compensate for the limitations of the appointed governor, Colonel Joseph Bahati Musanga, selected by self-proclaimed Major General Sultan Makenga. Colonel Bahati has limited formal education and does not speak Lingala or French, both key national languages in the DRC. For Nangaa, placing Paluku as deputy governor would help mask or offset these communication weaknesses at the leadership level in the office of North Kivu governorship.

However, this suggestion collided with Sultan Makenga’s own preferences. According to the same sources, Sultan Makenga overruled Corneille Nangaa’s proposal and instead ordered the appointment of Willy Manzi, a 100% Rwandan national and a nephew to ICC-convicted warlord Bosco Ntaganda, known as the “Terminator”. Manzi is known as one of the most ruthless and toxic figures within M23, he share many Criminal traits with his uncle, Bosco Ntaganda.

The rejection of his candidacy is said to have left Magloire Paluku deeply disgruntled. In a highly militarised, secretive and internally violent organisation like RDF-M23, open dissatisfaction is often perceived as disloyalty and a potential threat. Being visibly frustrated or challenging internal decisions in such structures can be extremely dangerous. All sources notes that his resentment and perceived loss of favour within the hierarchy section led by Maj Gen Sultan Makenga ultimately led to a death sentence issued against him. On the evening of Wednesday, 10th December 2025, as he returned to his residence in Goma, Paluku was shot dead at close range with a pistol equipped with a silencer. Sources with knowledge of M23’s internal security apparatus attribute the killing directly to an order from Makenga, acting on intelligence supplied to him by notorious Willy Manzi. This ruthless assassination has been interpreted as an internal settling of scores aimed at eliminating a now-inconvenient insider.

Paluku’s alleged involvement with M23/AFC is not an isolated episode in his biography. According to those familiar with his career, he had a long history of alignment, at different periods, with Criminal Paul Kagame's war mineral projects in the DRC. During the AFDL war led by Laurent-Désiré Kabila, he supported the RDF–AFDL offensive, working as a media animator during the military campaign up to Kinshasa. Each time a city fell, he would reportedly appear on radio to mobilise the population on behalf of the RDF-AFDL. When Laurent-Désiré Kabila became president, Paluku was rewarded with a position attached to the presidential press unit.

Later, when the RDF–RCD project began, he moved closer to this movement through Nande networks. With the emergence of the RDF-CNDP, led by General Laurent Nkunda, Paluku once again aligned himself with the new project led by a personal friend, Gen Laurent Nkunda, maintaining proximity to Nkunda’s circle. In contrast to those earlier episodes, however, his latest involvement in the RDF–M23/AFC structure appears to have ended in tragedy. The intricate power struggles, rivalries, competing loyalties and deep intrigues within RDF-M23/AFC, culminated in a decision to eliminate him.

Sources close to the movement point that the order to brutally assassinate Paluku was sanctioned by Maj Gen Sultan Makenga, based on information provided by Willy Manzi, the nephew of Bosco Ntaganda. During his trial before the International Criminal Court, Bosco Ntaganda himself repeatedly insisted that he was not Congolese but Rwandan, born in 1973 in Kinigi, Rwanda. This family connection is seen by some observers as another indication of RDF imprint on the M23 project and its inner workings.

For many in Goma and beyond, the reported assassination of Magloire Paluku is being read as a cautionary tale about the dangers of getting entangled in armed political projects driven by opaque agendas and external interests. A man who once presented himself as a defender of the Congolese population, then moved into the orbit of Criminal PaulKagame’s mineral wars, has met the same fate that has befallen many others in the history of Criminal Paul Kagame’s mondus operandi, silenced when he/she ceases to be useful, or when his ambition clashed with those more powerful than you.

Over 400 killed ,20,000 displaced in Uvira

After Uvira, the South Kivu provincial government has temporarily relocated to the town of Baraka in Fizi. The first official statement from the South Kivu provincial government was issued from Baraka, in the Fizi territory.

According to this statement, 413 people, including women and children, were killed in Katogota, in the Uvira territory. The government denounces serious human rights violations and ceasefire violations, while confirming the presence of Rwandan soldiers, AFC/M23 elements, and mercenaries in the Uvira region.

Faced with the intensification of fighting, the South Kivu provincial authorities fled and retreated to Baraka, located about 100 kilometers from Uvira, along National Route 5.

More than 200,000 internally displaced persons have been registered.

South kivu administration offices transfered to Baraka in fizi

 

Baraka-Fizi is the new provincial capital of South Kivu province, following the fall of Uvira on December 10th.

In a statement from the governor's office, denouncing what it calls a "blatant violation of the ceasefire" signed in the aforementioned city, the governor accuses the rebels of a "massacre."

M23 confirmms the death of Paluku

Magloire Paluku, a Congolese journalist and former member of the AFC/M23, was shot dead on Wednesday in the streets of Goma, within the M23 movement .

Magloire Paluku Kavunga, 58, born on December 12, 1966, in Butembo, was a well-known cultural figure in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. A journalist, writer, poet, musician, comedian, and radio host, he was also the founder of Radio Kivu 1, an influential media outlet in the region. A close associate of Corneille Nangaa, he had served as a cultural and artistic advisor at the Congolese Ministry of Culture before joining the AFC/M23 after working as the ministry's chief of staff.

In July 2024, Magloire Paluku was sentenced to death in the trial against Corneille Nangaa and 24 other co-defendants before the Gombe Military Court. They were prosecuted for war crimes, treason, and participation in an insurrection in the east of the country. His name appeared on the list of 25 defendants, alongside, notably, the former president of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI), Corneille Nangaa, and several officers of the AFC/M23. The exact circumstances of the fatal shooting have not yet been clarified.

Many are spreading a rumour that he was eliminated by the M23 themselves,but according to a one on one talk I had with a top member in M23,he revealed that ,he was eliminated by the enemies of peace.he lamented that they have been targeting them but it will not destroy their morale in restoring peace in eastern DRC,he said. "Paluku Magloire is no more. But he died a free man.

No one will forget his poems, full of wisdom and intelligence. He was the bridge between the Kinyarwanda-speaking community and the Nande people.

First, they killed Castro Elise Mberabagabo—we were still only in Kitchanga. Now, they're taking Magloire Paluku. They think they can weaken us, but they don't realize that he leaves behind millions of other Paluku.

Rest in peace, Papa. I love you, and I will love you forever."

M23 officers in uvira

 

The first images of the M23's capture of Uvira are starting to circulate.

In this photo, Willy Ngoma, military spokesperson for this politico-military platform, poses in front of Uvira's town hall with Colonel Alfred Majivuno (on the right), an intelligence officer within the AFC/M23 army.

Brigadier General CIVIRI arrested as government denies the truth that Uvira has been captured.

According to local leaders interviewed on site, they still claim that the city is under the joint control of the FARDC and Wazalendo, supported by their Burundian ally, with no confirmed presence of the M23 rebels. The provincial governor, Jean JacquesPurusi, has formally denied rumors of the rebels taking Uvira.

 Brigadier General Amuli Civiri, recently appointed head of operations and intelligence for the 33rd Military Region, has been arrested since yesterday. According to our sources, this disciplinary measure follows "poorly given orders" to the #FARDC and #Wazalendo.

His recent appointment to replace General Olivier Gasita, who was challenged by the population and the Wazalendo movement three months ago, was officially intended to strengthen the effectiveness of the FARDC (Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo) in the East, particularly in the areas of Uvira, Fizi, and Mwenga.

However, his alleged arrest is accompanied by very serious accusations. He is a former officer of the RCD-Goma (Rally for Culture and Democracy in Goma), the CNDP (National Congress for Democracy and Progress), and the M23 (Movement for the Liberation of Congo), like General Gasita before him. General Civiri is accused of "playing into the enemy's hands," with a supposed clear intention to hand over the strategic city of Uvira to the M23 rebels, who are supported by Rwanda.

Several sources accuse him of ordering the withdrawal of FARDC troops without a fight from certain localities in the Uvira territory, and of depriving the Wazalendo of logistical support (weapons, ammunition, food). They draw a disturbing parallel with the past captures of Goma and Bukavu, suggesting a similar scenario of orchestrated surrender.

Sentences Reduced for Officers Accused of Abandoning Goma to the M23

 

The High Military Court has delivered its verdict in the highly anticipated case of the abandonment of Goma to the AFC/M23 rebels in January 2025. Four high-ranking officers of the FARDC and the Congolese National Police were found guilty, but received significantly reduced sentences compared to the prosecution's requests.

Generals Dany Yangba Tene and Papy Lupembe Mobenzo, as well as Divisional Commissioners Eddy Léonard Mukuna Ntumba and Jean Romuald Ekuka Lipopo, former military governor of North Kivu, were convicted of cowardice in the face of the enemy, violation of orders, and loss of military equipment during the fall of Goma.

Despite the seriousness of the crimes, the court granted significant mitigating circumstances, reducing the sentences to:

• 36 months in prison for Ekuka Lipopo;

• 24 months for Mukuna Ntumba;

• 12 months for Yangba Tene and Lupembe Mobenzo.

They will also have to pay a collective fine of 2.8 million Congolese francs.

The case against the fifth defendant, Major General Alengbia Nzetetessya, who died in April 2025, was dismissed.

The prosecution had requested sentences ranging from 20 years to life imprisonment. The officers claimed to have acted on orders, citing a "strategic withdrawal" ordered by the Chief of the General Staff.

The verdict, considered particularly lenient by several military and political observers, raises new questions about the chain of command and responsibility for the loss of Goma.